Chalkbeat

Chicago student homelessness is rising. Could a tax change backed by the mayor help fix that?

2024-03-14T19:55:36+00:00

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Derrianna Ford lived with her grandmother on Chicago’s north side growing up, but when the older woman lost her home, Ford and her siblings had to relocate to the south side for about a year.

They moved from the city’s West Ridge neighborhood to the South Side during her freshman year at Mather High School. Ford said she had to wake up at 4 a.m., take a bus to the southernmost stop on Chicago’s Red Line, ride almost the entire 26-mile route north, and then get on another bus in order to get to school by 8 a.m.

During the week, she would occasionally stay with a friend closer to school to avoid the long commute.

“This is so normal to us,” Ford said. “You don’t see yourself as struggling because you’re used to it. You don’t see it as homelessness.”

These days, Ford, now 20, is searching for a place of her own. But she has another goal. She’s knocking on doors to help pass a ballot referendum in Chicago on March 19 that advocates say could put a real dent in reducing homelessness.

Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson, a former teachers union organizer and middle school teacher, promised in his education platform and transition plan to house the city’s homeless, with a focus on more than 20,000 students in Chicago Public Schools currently facing housing instability. In the last year, the number of CPS students in unstable housing situations — which can disrupt or derail students’ academic progress — has risen by roughly 50%.

To address that, Johnson and his allies are pushing to increase a real estate transfer tax on sales of property sales worth more than $1 million to generate an estimated $100 million annually to fund services for the homeless and affordable housing.

Some progressive groups, including the Chicago Teachers Union which helped propel Johnson to office, have been advocating to increase the city’s real estate transfer tax to help the homeless since Rahm Emanuel was mayor. The effort — dubbed Bring Chicago Home — is something Johnson emphasized often on the campaign trail last year.

“The people of Chicago voted for me because I said that I’m going to address homelessness,” Johnson said Wednesday. “Bring Chicago Home is an opportunity to address homelessness.”

A document obtained by Chalkbeat outlining Johnson’s first-term goals suggested his administration hopes to help house 10,000 students and their families.

But opponents of the initiative challenged the ballot question’s legality in the courts, even asking the Illinois Supreme Court to block the measure, which the court declined to do Wednesday. Still, some groups, including the nonpartisan budget watchdog Civic Federation, are concerned the mayor and City Council have not been specific enough about how the money would be used.

“This is the mayor’s signature item,” said Ald. Brendan Reilly, who represents much of downtown and opposes the referendum because it lacks specifics and could have unintended consequences on rental property and commercial real estate. “He’s put a lot of political capital into it and right now the Chicago electorate gets to give him a report card. I think this is as much about the policy as it is about a commentary on his agenda.”

Chicago Public Schools would not directly get any of the estimated $100 million in revenue that a change to the real estate transfer tax would generate. CPS officials did not comment on the ballot initiative, but said the district will continue to support homeless students and protect their rights under federal law.

More Chicago Public Schools students identified as homeless

The number of students in temporary living situations enrolled at Chicago Public Schools has hovered around 5% for at least the last decade — twice the national average. Recent data indicates the problem is getting more acute as the numbers climb.

District data shared with Chalkbeat from the end of February indicated 21,855 students currently enrolled at CPS were considered Students in Temporary Living Situations, or STLS. That’s up from more than 14,317 such students last February. CPS data includes any student categorized this way at any time during the school year, and once a student is marked as such, they keep that status for the remainder of the year.

The vast majority — around 16,000 students — are classified as “doubled up,” meaning they are living with another family temporarily, like Ford was while a freshman in high school.

But the number of CPS students listed as living in a shelter, hotel or motel, or living out of a car, park, or other public place more than tripled in the last year — from about 2,000 last February to nearly 8,000 as of Feb. 29. The jump has coincided with the ongoing influx of migrants arriving from the southern border.

Chicago grappled with students facing homelessness or housing instability long before the COVID pandemic and recent wave of migrants. A 2021 study from the University of Chicago Inclusive Economy Lab analyzed nine years of district data between 2009 and 2018 and found that, over the course of their K-12 experience, about 13% of CPS students experienced housing instability.

The report noted that research shows homeless students come to school less often, have lower academic achievement, and are more likely to drop out. At the same time, school districts like CPS “have limited capacity to connect students to housing supports.”

Cook County Commissioner Tara Stamps, the daughter of a longtime housing activist, saw this “heartbreaking” reality up close during the more than two decades she spent as a classroom teacher, including working alongside Johnson at a school serving the Cabrini Green public housing complex.

One time, she said, a single mom of one of her students had no place to stay, so Stamps and the school’s security guard “called and called and called around” to help them find housing.

Stamps, who now also works for the Chicago Teachers Union, said past administrations have emphasized academic achievement and improving test scores without prioritizing the conditions students faced that affected those scores: “There is no [academic] progress … if a baby doesn’t know where they’re going to sleep at night, if they don’t know where they’re going to eat.”.

Federal law requires school districts to support students facing housing insecurity. Some districts also get money through competitive grants to support homeless students. Students identified as such are entitled to transportation, the right to enroll without a permanent address, and the right to continue attending the same school through the end of the academic year even if they move.

But few districts have been directly involved in finding families housing.

With the help of federal COVID money, some schools across the country have added staff to help families with housing, others have provided emergency hotel stays and even propped up shelters inside schools.

Alyssa Phillips, an education attorney with the Chicago Coalition for the Homeless, which has been advocating for Bring Chicago Home for several years, said the city needs a consistent revenue stream to tackle homelessness, along with input about what works from people experiencing homelessness and service providers.

“I think the most important thing is having that continuous funding,” Phillips said.

Federal COVID money for homeless set to expire

During the COVID pandemic, housing instability rose across the country. Homeless students were disconnected from schools and districts struggled to identify how many students were entitled to additional support and resources.

Chicago Public Schools received about $10.1 million in federal pandemic aid to serve homeless students, as part of roughly $800 million distributed nationally to states and school districts.

The city and school district created a program to give $500 stipends to families in Students in Temporary Living Situations, using money from the initial 2020 wave of federal COVID relief dollars. It’s not clear how many families received the money, and district officials deferred to the city, which administered the program.

Ald. Maria Hadden, who represents Chicago’s north lakefront and is a supporter of the Bring Chicago Home initiative, said the city also used some of its share of federal COVID dollars to provide rental assistance to thousands of people. She recounted helping one family in her ward with a CPS student with epilepsy avoid an eviction because they were able to get six months of rental assistance.

But soon, federal COVID money is drying up. Expenditure data obtained by Chalkbeat shows most of the school district’s share of federal COVID money has been spent, primarily for school staff.

If the ballot initiative to raise the real estate transfer tax on property over a $1 million is approved, Hadden said, the city could revive, continue, or expand pandemic-era programs, like rental and mortgage assistance and rapid rehousing efforts for people living in tent encampments.

Mayor Brandon Johnson is greeted by supporters after he spoke while dozens rally for the Bring Chicago Home resolution outside the Thompson Center before a City Council meeting on Nov. 7, 2023.

Political ‘slush fund’ or nimble revenue stream?

Ford and others continue to knock on doors to garner support from voters who will ultimately decide whether Chicago should have a graduated real estate transfer tax.

Meanwhile, the Chicago Teachers Union is gearing up for another round of contract negotiations with a mayor more amenable to their views than his two predecessors. During contract negotiations in 2019, the union pushed to include provisions around affordable housing. But then-Mayor Lori Lightfoot said the union contract was “not the appropriate place for the City to legislate its affordable housing policy.”

Leaked contract proposals for upcoming contract talks include two focused on affordable housing: mortgage and rental assistance for teachers, and a vocational program that would have students build affordable housing.

Whatever happens with the teachers union contract, Johnson is forging ahead with a plan to borrow $1.25 billion dollars to fund affordable housing and other development. On Wednesday, the mayor said he’ll soon name a new chief homelessness officer. And he directed the city’s Department of Family Support Services to work with CPS to match the district’s most vulnerable students with housing. The two agencies meet weekly, a spokesperson confirmed.

If voters approve the ballot initiative, the City Council would still need to pass an ordinance spelling out how to appropriate the revenue.

Reilly, the downtown alderman, said that “anyone who has a soul” cares about the homeless and wants to find solutions. But he worries that if the tax is approved, the revenue could quickly turn into a “slush fund” for political allies of whomever is mayor.

“There’s no guarantee that any of this money lands with helping the homeless people,” Reilly said. “It’s just going to be a big stack of money that a whole lot of people are gonna wanna fight over.”

Emma Tai, campaign director for the Bring Chicago Home Ballot Initiative, said the revenue would be legally dedicated to fund affordable housing and services for the homeless. A draft ordinance for implementing the change to the transfer tax would create a 15-member panel appointed by the mayor and approved by City Council to make recommendations annually based on the “most pressing needs.”

“The idea is for the funds to be nimble,” Tai said, noting that during the height of the pandemic, there was a critical need to provide housing to domestic violence victims, whereas now that pandemic-era eviction moratoriums have ended, there’s a need for emergency rental assistance. The idea is that the panel’s recommendations would take such shifts into account.

For young people like Derrianna Ford, who experienced housing insecurity as a student and is searching for an affordable apartment now, the issue boils down to one thing: “stability.”

This story has been updated to more accurately characterize Tai’s comments about how housing needs have shifted in Chicago.

Chalkbeat reporter Reema Amin contributed reporting.

Becky Vevea is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Becky at bvevea@chalkbeat.org.

Florida settlement’s limits on ‘Don’t Say Gay’ law may give teachers and students breathing room

2024-03-13T20:50:30+00:00

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Florida teachers can place a photo of their spouse on their desk. School libraries can stock books featuring LGBTQ characters. And anti-bullying efforts can protect LGBTQ students. But restrictions on classroom instruction related to sexuality and gender identity remain.

Those are the terms of a settlement agreement that puts an end to a lawsuit challenging what’s commonly known as Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” law. Advocates are hailing the lifting of a “shadow” that had fallen over the state’s schools. Gov. Ron DeSantis, who made challenging “woke” ideas in schools a cornerstone of his political brand, also declared victory.

The resolution calls attention to the enormous gray areas created by laws restricting how teachers talk about gender, sexuality, race, and history. These laws simultaneously touch on issues of personal identity where federal law protects students and teachers, and issues of curriculum and instruction where states have broad authority.

Fearful of lawsuits and state investigations, teachers have emptied out classroom libraries, taken down Pride flags, and quit their jobs. A high school class president was told he couldn’t mention being gay in his graduation speech. State officials have blamed local leaders for going beyond the requirements of the law, but never formally clarified what was and wasn’t covered — until the settlement agreement was signed Monday.

Essentially, the agreement means that the law won’t force teachers back into the closet or prevent students from talking about who they are.

Under the agreement, the Florida Department of Education will also disseminate guidance about the law to all 67 school districts.

“The vagueness of this law was intentional,” said Joe Saunders, senior political director at Equality Florida, a statewide LGBTQ rights group and one of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit. “At any point, [state officials] could have offered deeper guidance and didn’t. The only reason they’ve done it now is because we sued them in federal court and forced them to end the most harmful aspects of this law.”

Laws restricting teaching have wide-ranging impacts

As classroom restrictions proliferate, a survey by the research group RAND found that two-thirds of teachers reported self-censoring how they talk about certain social and political issues in the classroom, whether they lived in a state with formal restrictions or not. RAND also found — in a study released this week — that a majority of teachers thought these restrictions harmed learning and made students feel less welcome and less empathetic.

Teachers in Florida were the most likely to be aware of their state’s restrictions, and the most likely to report having changed instruction in response, RAND found. Florida also had more laws restricting instruction than other states.

A recent Washington Post analysis of FBI data found that school-based hate crimes against LGBTQ students quadrupled in states that passed restrictive laws, which include laws governing teaching as well as which bathrooms and sports teams transgender children have access to.

The relationship between state policies and bullying has been in the national spotlight after the death of Nex Benedict, a nonbinary student who died in February after a fight in their Oklahoma high school.

Related: ‘Am I not allowed to mention myself?’ Schools grapple with new restrictions on teaching about gender and sexuality

Some state laws ban discussion of certain topics or require that lessons be “age appropriate” or avoid “divisive” framings, while others require parental notification and the opportunity for parents to opt students out of lessons. Many states leave enforcement to school districts and provide little guidance.

Advocates of these laws say parents have a right to know what their children are being taught, especially on issues that might conflict with their own values, and that schools should focus on core academic subjects.

Students and teachers in states with teaching restrictions told Chalkbeat about LGTBQ student clubs receiving less support, and lessons in literature and history being scaled back to avoid talking about queer references in literature or the movement for gay civil rights.

Legal challenges to these laws are underway in a number of states, but how courts will rule could depend on specifics in individual states. Arizona’s teaching restrictions were struck down, for example, because lawmakers had wedged them into the state budget.

Keira McNett, staff counsel for the National Education Association, said the settlement is important in Florida and “for the national tenor.”

“Many states modeled their law after Florida’s and many are facing lawsuits of their own,” she said. “In many cases, they are overly broad. And when the state is required to actually explain what these vague laws mean, they explain it in a way that is a lot more narrow.”

Settlement provides clarity for classrooms, activities

Roberta Kaplan, the lead attorney for the lawsuit, said the settlement provides immediate relief to Florida students, parents, and teachers who were living under a cloud of uncertainty.

“Every kid should be able to go to public school and have their dignity respected and their family respected,” Kaplan said.

The settlement lays out examples of what’s allowed under Florida law, known formally as the Parental Rights in Education Act:

Teachers can respond to students who choose to discuss their own families or identities and can grade essays that include LGBTQ topics.
Teachers can make reference to LGBTQ people in literature or history.
Student-to-student speech and classroom debates can touch on LGBTQ issues.
Schools can explicitly protect LGBTQ students in anti-bullying efforts, and teachers can have “safe space” stickers in their classroom.
Students of the same gender can dance together at school dances and wear clothing considered inconsistent with their gender assigned at birth.

The settlement clarifies that restrictions on classroom instruction apply “regardless of viewpoint.” In other words, teachers can’t teach a lesson on modern gender theory to elementary students, nor can they teach those students that gender identity is immutable and determined by biological traits.

Kaplan said states have significant authority over curriculum, and that the part of the law specifying such restrictions was unlikely to be overturned on further appeal.

DeSantis’ office in a press release emphasized that the law as written remains intact and “children will be protected from radical gender and sexual ideology in the classroom.”

“We fought hard to ensure this law couldn’t be maligned in court, as it was in the public arena by the media and large corporate actors,” Florida General Counsel Ryan Newman said in the press release. “We are victorious, and Florida’s classrooms will remain a safe place under the Parental Rights in Education Act.”

Settlement ‘allows for a reasonable conversation’ on instruction

Suzanne Eckes, a professor of educational law and policy at the University of Wisconsin, said Florida’s law and others that are vague and broad potentially violate federal laws and protections.

As employees, teachers have limited free speech rights in the classroom, but states cannot discriminate against them on the basis of sex, which forms the basis of many legal protections for LGBTQ people. For example, they can’t penalize a teacher for having a picture of a same-sex spouse on their desk while allowing a colleague to have a picture of her husband. The federal Equal Access Act says that schools can’t limit extracurricular clubs based on their content. Bible study groups, future homemakers, and gay-straight alliance clubs all have the right to meet in school, Eckes said.

Eckes said the settlement suggests the challengers had viable claims on equal protection grounds, even as the state maintains the right to regulate curriculum and prevent teachers from offering personal opinions to a captive audience.

While the settlement creates no legal precedent, it could encourage some school district lawyers, even in other states, to reach less restrictive interpretations of their states’ laws. At the same time, even in Florida, there may be disagreements about what exactly constitutes instruction.

“If a teacher does give an opinion in class, there is this overall idea that teacher speech can be curtailed,” she said. “That is a grayer area than banning the gay-straight alliance or pulling all the books off the shelves due to your own ideology.”

Derek Black, a professor of constitutional law at the University of South Carolina, said the settlement could change the political and cultural calculus around sweeping prohibitions, even though it doesn’t set a precedent for other lawsuits.

“If DeSantis is willing to settle, maybe it’s OK for the governor of Oklahoma to settle,” Black said. “Maybe it denies cultural conservatives the ability to say that some governor or AG in another state is weak.”

The settlement also offers teachers important clarity, Black said: “This type of settlement rebalances things so you don’t have to be so afraid and that allows for a reasonable conversation about what’s instruction and what’s not.”

Michael Woods, a high school teacher in Palm Beach County who leads the Florida Education Association’s LGBTQ caucus, said he’s thrilled with the settlement even as he fears it will take decades to get back to the level of inclusion teachers and students experienced just a few years ago.

His school district’s guide for supporting LGBTQ students shrunk from 140 pages to 14 under Florida’s law, he said. And he stopped leading his school’s GSA club because he would have needed to send permission slips home, which led him to worry about outing students. He’s not sure that’s changed.

Woods also worries about colleagues in smaller, more conservative communities, and about trans educators who often face even more hostility than gay and lesbian teachers.

Still, he hopes teachers in other states feel inspired.

“One of the most hateful states in the nation for LGBTQ rights reached a settlement,” he said. “You have to fight, but it can happen.”

Erica Meltzer is Chalkbeat’s national editor based in Colorado. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

As tensions flare in parent councils, NYC sees a surge in misconduct complaints

2024-03-13T19:19:25+00:00

Fierce debates and in-fighting within New York City’s parent education councils are hardly new.

But as tensions escalated during the pandemic, the Education Department created its first formal process to investigate complaints of harassment and discrimination among these parent leaders and issue sanctions.

That process, after getting off to a slow start, is now facing its first major test amid a surge of misconduct allegations against parents on these boards.

A total of 36 grievances have been filed this school year against parents elected to the city’s Community Education Councils, according to the Education Department. That’s up from five such complaints last year.

Debates in the councils have simmered for years over proposals to strip selective admissions criteria in an effort to racially integrate schools. Conflicts exploded during the pandemic, both locally and across the country, over school closures and masking requirements. And sharp divides have continued this year over rhetoric about LGBTQ youth and the Israel-Hamas war.

“I think what we’re seeing now is a national political fight that has found its way into education,” said Tracy Jordan, the president of Community Education Council 22 in southern Brooklyn, who recently faced accusations of antisemitism from a local City Council member and some parents over a decision to hold a meeting on a Friday night. (Jordan said she cleared the meeting time in advance with all the members of the council, including Jewish members, and that it was a special meeting that didn’t have a public comment portion, so no one was excluded from speaking.)

Jordan doesn’t know for sure if any complaints have been filed against her, but said even the threat of them can “cause concern.”

The spike in grievances, called D-210 complaints, is also a sign that parent leaders are finally making use of the disciplinary process, which was rolled out in December 2021, at the height of the pandemic, and met with deeply divided reactions. Some parents at the time shared personal accounts of racism, harassment, and doxxing at the hands of fellow parent leaders, and they argued it was long past time for city officials to take a stronger role in enforcing behavior norms.

But other parents, including members of PLACE NYC, or Parent Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Education, a group that supports selective school admissions, argued that the regulation is overly broad, could have a chilling effect on political speech, and gives the Education Department too much power to regulate independent parent leaders.

The resolution ultimately passed, but the process has taken years to get up and running.

City has yet to share outcomes of investigations

When the Education Department receives a complaint, an “equity compliance officer” is supposed to investigate, and within 60 days must turn over their findings to a council of parent leaders elected by their fellow CEC members. That council must then issue recommendations to schools Chancellor David Banks.

The Education Department only hired the equity compliance officer in February 2023, more than a year after the position was created.

Education Department officials said parent leaders recently elected representatives from their home boroughs to the council responsible for reviewing the investigations, though a spokesperson declined to name its members.

Many parents didn’t know about the grievance process or trust that it would yield any results, said NeQuan McLean, the president of District 16′s CEC in Bedford Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, and head of the Education Council Consortium, a group of parent leaders who pushed for the regulation.

“Now that those elements are in place, it shouldn’t be a surprise that the number of discrimination complaints increased,” he said. “The fact that people are filing complaints demonstrates that the regulation and civil rights protections were needed.”

But how the disciplinary process will play out in practice largely remains to be seen.

Potential disciplinary outcomes range from an order from the chancellor to stop the behavior in question to immediate removal if the behavior is criminal, poses a danger to students, or “is contrary to the best interest of the New York City school district.” For lower level offenses, sanctioned council members get an opportunity to reconcile with their colleagues.

An Education Department spokesperson declined to share whether any of the probes have led to discipline.

Camille Casaretti, a member of the Citywide Council on High Schools, said the process “takes too long,” adding that she knows of complaints made during the CEC elections last spring that are still pending.

Meanwhile, some parents are losing their patience.

At a February meeting of the Panel for Educational Policy, multiple parents implored Education Department officials to remove members of the CEC on Manhattan’s District 2 who made comments in a private group text chat that denied the existence of transgender kids and referred in graphic terms to the genitalia of a gay state lawmaker, according to The 74. Maud Maron, one of the CEC 2 members in the private chat, declined to answer questions about whether she is the target of any complaints, but told Chalkbeat that “defending the rights of girls and women is not anti-trans.”

Separately, some students and parents at Stuyvesant High School are pushing for Maron to be removed from the School Leadership Team.

Banks, who makes the final call on discipline for elected parent leaders, called the comments “despicable” and “not in line with our values.”

“One of the things I will tell you in the two years I have been chancellor that has been the greatest disappointment to me is to see on a daily basis an example of parents behaving badly,” Banks said. “I’ve tried to give this some time to allow adults to be adults. But when you realize they refuse to do that … we are going to begin to take action.”

Tensions continue to flare in CECs

The conflict in CEC 2 isn’t the only one to draw significant attention this year.

CEC 14 in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, has been locked in a dispute over whether to resume in-person meetings, following a backlash to CEC President Tajh Sutton’s support for a student walkout calling for a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip.

Sutton and other CEC members say they’ve received violent threats, including a package containing feces mailed to the council’s office, and don’t feel safe meeting in person. Critics have accused CEC members of blocking pro-Israel speakers from participating in online meetings – an allegation the CEC members deny.

Sutton said she’s filed D-210 complaints, and she knows she’s the target of multiple complaints. She was initially supportive of the disciplinary process, but doesn’t believe it’s working as intended. She faulted the Education Department for watering down language in the original proposal that referenced specific forms of discrimination, including against transgender people. She said it also took too long to get the process in motion, which caused some parents to lose trust in the process.

“They’re going to have to contend with the fact that this regulation written by parent leaders under attack at the time is now being weaponized against parent leaders under attack,” she said.

Education Department spokesperson Chyann Tull said “parent input has been considered at every stage of developing this process, which helps us ensure an inclusive and respectful environment for all members of our school communities.”

It’s not just the high-profile conflicts garnering media attention that are spurring D-210 complaints. Parent leaders and Education Department officials said the grievances are coming from a wide range of districts.

“In other councils, yes we have D-210 complaints that have been filed, many of which over the last several months,” said Deputy Chancellor Kenita Lloyd in a February meeting. “That process is ongoing.”

In District 22, CEC president Jordan said she’s still managing the fallout from media coverage of her Friday night meeting flap with local City Council member Inna Vernikov, a vocal supporter of Israel who recently made headlines for bringing a gun to a pro-Palestine student rally.

“It was really disappointing and deflating,” Jordan said of the experience. “When you’re accused of something it’s a blemish and doesn’t go away easily.” The whole process has made her question whether getting involved in her CEC was worth it.

She said she supports the idea of a code of conduct for parent leaders, but worries that the Education Department hasn’t done enough to train CEC members on what the code entails and what accountability would look like.

Still, she hopes that the Education Department can distinguish between frivolous complaints and ones that target clearly out-of-bounds behavior.

“At the end of the day, we should be open-minded,” she said. “But when we start causing harm, that is a problem.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

New Jersey lawmakers trying to get — and keep — teachers in schools

2024-03-12T19:02:20+00:00

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More measures designed to fight the teacher shortage in New Jersey schools moved closer to becoming law after the Assembly Education Committee recently cleared five bills that focus on teacher recruitment and retention.

The bills were introduced during the last legislative session but did not make it across the finish line. The measures, moved last week, include removing obstacles to teacher certification, providing scholarships for student teachers and creating a task force to study how and when teachers are evaluated. The bills had widespread support among legislators and representatives of leading education stakeholder groups, who said solving the teacher shortage is a priority.

“Shortages in our educator workforce are damaging to our districts and to the children they serve. It is so important that we fill our educator training pipeline with qualified, motivated individuals who want to become teachers, and want to stay teachers,” Assemblywoman and education committee Chair Pamela Lampitt (D-Camden) said in a statement. “These bills will help school districts and newly certified teachers make meaningful connections, while alleviating some of the financial strain caused by student loans, enabling these educators to focus on their students and giving our youth the education they deserve.”

A survey by the New Jersey Principals and Supervisors Association found that in August, just before the start of the current school year, only 16.3% of members had fully staffed their classrooms, said Jennie Lamon, assistant director of government relations for the New Jersey Principals and Supervisors Association.

“School staffing shortages continues to be one of the most significant challenges facing school districts, continues to be one of the most significant obstacles preventing districts from developing or expanding high quality school programs that meet the academic, social, emotional, mental-health needs of their students,” said Jesse Young, a legislative advocate for the New Jersey School Boards Association.

Establish teacher database, ‘Grow Your Own’ program, and more

Here is a look at the teacher shortage bills that moved forward last week:

A-1676 would require the Department of Education and the Department of Labor and Workforce Development to create a database of teachers who are eligible to work, including their employment status, certificates, endorsements, and contact information.

The Department of Education would also be required to host three job fairs each year to connect school districts with novice teachers. The fairs would take place in the north, south and central parts of the state.

The bill does not have a Senate counterpart in the current legislative session.

A-1669 would remove the requirement for teacher candidates to take a basic skills test of reading, writing, and math to obtain a certification of eligibility. This would include removing the Praxis Core Academic Skills for Educators test, which critics believe is a poor measure of teacher qualifications.

“This is being viewed as dumbing down requirements for teachers and that could not be any further from the truth,” said Assemblywoman Dawn Fantasia (R-Sussex), who has been in public education for 18 years. “This bill will eliminate a majorly duplicative test. I know from my teaching certifications.”

An identical bill was introduced in the Senate and referred to the Senate Education Committee.

A-1619 would establish a “Grow Your Own” Teacher Loan Redemption program, which would encourage high school graduates from communities facing teacher shortages to return to their home districts to teach. The Higher Education Assistance Authority would offer loan redemption of up to $10,000 per year for up to five years.

“We’re very concerned not only about staffing shortages but also about the pipeline of educators going forward and this bill package will help address both those issues,” said Fran Pfeffer, associate director of governmental relations at the New Jersey Education Association, the state’s largest teachers union.

An identical bill was reported from the Senate Education Committee and referred to the Senate Budget and Appropriations Committee in January.

A-3413 would establish a task force to revisit rules for how and when teachers and principals are evaluated in public schools. The 13-member body would offer recommendations for improvements and changes to the current tenure law. The collection of student growth objectives would be limited while the task force is studying the matter. Student growth objectives, known as SGOs, are long-term academic goals set by teachers in consultation with their supervisors; they’re used as part of the summative evaluation process for teachers.

The bill already passed the Senate. It’s a watered-down version of a bill from the last legislative session that would have extended the time between evaluations.

“This piece of legislation did a one-eighty, I would venture to say, in terms of where we were with the idea of teacher evaluation. I’m really appreciative of the great work we all did to get it to where it is in terms of trying to create a task force to do the evaluation and the real nitty-gritty work to provide the data back to us to determine what is the best next step,” Lampitt said.

A-2362 would establish the New Jersey Student Teacher Scholarship to reduce financial barriers to teacher certification. It would provide scholarships of up to $7,200 to eligible students for each semester of full-time clinical practice completed in a school in the state.

The bill garnered a lot of support from lawmakers and stakeholders, with two groups proposing amendments. Representatives from the New Jersey Speech Language and Hearing Association urged lawmakers to amend the bill to include speech language specialists who are doing student teaching. The College of New Jersey also asked for an amendment to remove the language “in the state” from the bill to include students who do their student teaching in neighboring states or internationally through a global teaching program.

An identical bill was introduced in the Senate and referred to the Senate Higher Education committee.

Hannah Gross covers education and child welfare for NJ Spotlight News via a partnership with Report for America. She covers the full spectrum of education and children’s services in New Jersey and looks especially through the lens of equity and opportunity. This story was first published on NJ Spotlight News, a content partner of Chalkbeat Newark.

El programa de preescolar universal de Colorado podría prohibir la enseñanza religiosa el próximo año

2023-12-11T23:49:26+00:00

Read in English.

Cuando la maestra Corrie Haynes les preguntó a los estudiantes de preescolar sentados sobre la alfombra verde frente a ella lo que era un pecado, un niño pequeño contestó muy seguro: “Todas las cosas malas que hacemos”.

“Muy bien”, Haynes contestó.

Luego, los 13 niños, la mayoría de ellos vestidos con una camisa tipo polo de color rojo granate o azul y faldas o pantalones oscuros, aprendieron que todos pecamos—hasta los maestros, las mamás y los papás y el pastor de la iglesia—y que aunque Dios odia el pecado, no odia a las personas que cometen pecados.

“Él nos sigue queriendo mucho, hasta cuando pecamos”, Haynes dijo.

Un minuto después, Haynes guio a los niños de 4 años para que cantaran una canción sobre los modales: “Siempre digan ‘gracias’, siempre digan ‘por favor’. Cuando no somos agradecidos, Dios no queda complacido”.

Este tipo de contenido religioso por mucho tiempo se ha integrado en las lecciones de Landmark Preschool, un programa de educación preescolar ubicado en la Iglesia Bautista Landmark en la ciudad de Grand Junction en el oeste de Colorado. Lo que es diferente este año es que las personas que pagan impuestos en el estado están cubriendo los costos—más de $100,000—para que 20 estudiantes en edad preescolar asistan a este programa.

Colorado invitó explícitamente a los preescolares religiosos para que participaran en su nuevo programa de preescolar universal valuado en $322 millones, el cual, a pesar de tener un lanzamiento dificultoso ha sido popular entre las familias. Pero los representantes estatales han enviado mensajes confusos sobre si los preescolares pueden ofrecer una enseñanza religiosa durante el horario de clases financiado por el estado. Antes del lanzamiento, dijeron que se prohibía. Ahora dicen que no, pero que el próximo año quizás se prohíba.

Debates sobre si usar o no fondos públicos para financiar la educación religiosa surgen en un entorno en el que hay presiones conservadoras para desarmar ideas históricas sobre la separación de la iglesia y el estado.

Para participar en el programa preescolar universal de Colorado, los centros preescolares, incluido Landmark, tuvieron que firmar un contrato aceptando cumplir varios requisitos, como que no discriminarían debido a la orientación sexual ni la identidad de género. Ese requisito ahora está sujeto a dos demandas legales—uno de una escuela preescolar cristiana en el Condado de Chaffee y el otro de dos parroquias católicas que administran programas preescolares cerca de Denver.

El contrato que los proveedores firmaron no mencionó la enseñanza religiosa.

Lauren Weber, la directora de Landmark Preschool, dijo que esa enseñanza se “incluye en casi todo lo que hacemos”.

Pero algunos expertos dicen que mezclar el dinero público y la educación religiosa va en contra de los cimientos históricos del país.

“Si el dinero de nuestros contribuyentes está financiando el ejercicio religioso … entonces nos estamos poniendo en una posición [en la que] el estado y la iglesia se enredan de tal forma que los fundadores estaban tratando de evitar”, dijo Kevin Welner, director del Centro Nacional de Políticas Educativas en la Universidad de Colorado en Boulder.

El estado planea limitar las lecciones religiosas en el preescolar universal

Los funcionarios dedicados a la infancia temprana en Colorado propusieron prohibir la enseñanza religiosa en una serie de reglas que planean aprobar la próxima primavera. No se sabe bien en qué situación eso deje a los programas como el de Landmark, en el cual los líderes esperan abrir dos salones más para la enseñanza preescolar universal el año que viene.

Históricamente, los jueces en Estados Unidos han mantenido una separación entre la iglesia y el estado, pero la actual Suprema Corte de EE. UU. emitió un fallo el año pasado diciendo que el estado de Maine no puede excluir a escuelas que ofrecen enseñanza religiosa de un programa estatal que paga por la educación privada.

Michael Bindas, un abogado principal con el Instituto para la Justicia, un despacho legal libertario de interés público, representó a los demandantes en el caso de Maine. Bindas dijo que ese fallo deja en claro que pedirles a las escuelas religiosas que eliminen la enseñanza religiosa durante el horario de clases financiado por el estado equivale a discriminación religiosa.

Si Colorado adopta las reglas propuestas que prohíben la enseñanza religiosa durante el horario de preescolar financiado por el estado, dijo, “sospecho que quedará atrapado en años de litigación”.

A Welner le preocupa que algunas enseñanzas religiosas en programas preescolares estén enviando mensajes dañinos a los niños, como por ejemplo si un niño que está cuestionando su identidad de género asiste a un preescolar religioso.

“Existe algo inquietante, por lo menos para mí, sobre el uso de dinero de los contribuyentes para subsidiar la educación de un niño en un entorno que esencialmente está atacando la identidad de ese niño”, dijo.

Parte de la visión del preescolar universal era que los padres eligieran

Desde el principio, los líderes estatales planearon ofrecer preescolar universal en todo tipo de entornos—en escuelas públicas, en centros religiosos y en hogares autorizados por el estado. La idea era darles a los padres muchas opciones, más de las que se ofrecían en programas estatales anteriores.

Casi 50,000 niños en Colorado, la mayoría de 4 años de edad, están obteniendo una educación preescolar gratis a través del programa de preescolar universal. De los más de 1,900 preescolares que se unieron al programa universal, 39 son religiosos, según datos del estado. En conjunto, atienden a alrededor de 930 niños.

Muchos programas preescolares financiados con fondos públicos permiten que los preescolares religiosos participen siempre y cuando la enseñanza religiosa ocurra durante el horario cubierto por mensualidades privadas.

Colorado también planeó tener ese requisito—pero nunca puso las reglas que limitan la enseñanza religiosa por escrito.

Landmark Preschool en Grand Junction, Colorado.

¿Se usará este plan de estudios cristiano en preescolares el próximo año?

Landmark Preschool abrió sus puertas en 2012 y atiende a niños desde bebés hasta en edad preescolar. Cerca de la mitad de ellos son niños con familias de bajos ingresos. Tiene la segunda calificación más alta por la calidad de sus cuidados infantiles según el sistema estatal de cinco niveles.

El programa cuenta con dos salones de preescolar universal, uno que se basa en el juego y otro que es más estructurado, donde enseñan habilidades como la escritura en letra cursiva. Ambos salones usan el plan de estudios Abeka, un plan popular entre las escuelas cristianas y familias que educan a sus hijos en el hogar y que describe a la Biblia como la base de todo aprendizaje.

Actualmente, no hay reglas estatales que rijan los planes de estudios en el preescolar universal, pero representantes estatales planean crear una lista de planes aceptables antes que empiece el segundo año del programa. No se sabe bien cuáles serán los parámetros o si los planes como el de Abeka cumplirán con los requisitos.

Weber, la directora del centro, y Christy Barrows, una administradora en la escuela de kindergarten a 12º grado adyacente a Landmark, dicen que recibieron confirmaciones repetidas de representantes locales del preescolar universal diciendo que su programa y el plan de estudios son aceptables.

“Somos muy abiertos sobre quiénes somos y lo que enseñamos”, Weber dijo. “Les digo a todos [los participantes] de visitas guiadas: ‘Encuentren lo que mejor se adapte a ustedes, y si no es [aquí], está bien‘”.

El centro preescolar acepta a todos los niños, incluidos aquellos con familias LGBTQ, dijo. Pero las decisiones de contratación no son igual de sencillas.

“Tenemos los valores cristianos y la moral y las creencias”, Weber dijo. “Esa [persona contratada] quizás no encaje bien en nuestro centro, porque estaremos enseñando estos valores y si no crees en estos valores, es muy difícil que te contratemos”.

En Landmark Preschool, lecciones sobre la Biblia influyen en la hora de cuentacuentos

Adentro del salón preescolar de Haynes, llegó la hora de contar una historia bíblica sobre la obediencia—específicamente, la obediencia a Dios. Entre pausas para que niños ansiosos se calmaran, Haynes contó la historia de una pequeña niña a quien la robaron de su familia y obligaron a trabajar para el poderoso general Naaman, quien tenía lepra.

“Había enormes llagas por toda la piel de Naaman, y todas estas llagas seguía empeorando y empeorando”, Haynes explicó. Pero la niña intervino para ayudar, sugiriéndole a Naaman que visitara a un profeta.

“La pequeña niña pudo haber dicho: ‘Naaman se merece tener lepra. A mí me robaron de mi hogar y me obligan a trabajar como sirvienta’”, Haynes dijo.

En lugar de eso, “la niña eligió hacer lo correcto y perdonar aunque nadie le dijera que lo hiciera”.

Weber, sentada observando la clase de cerca, está esperando ver qué nuevas reglas los líderes del preescolar universal impondrán y si Abeka formará parte de la lista de planes de estudios aprobados.

“En este momento, está funcionando bien, pero en el futuro, ¿cómo será?” dijo. “Vamos a proceder año con año y ver lo que hacemos”.

Ann Schimke es una reportera principal para Chalkbeat, cubriendo temas sobre la primera infancia y lectoescritura temprana. Comunícate con Ann por correo electrónico a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Traducido por Alejandra X. Castañeda

Para el 2025, las escuelas de Newark recibirían $1,250 millones en ayuda según el plan presupuestario del Gobernador Phil Murphy

2024-03-08T16:32:17+00:00

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Durante décadas, las Escuelas Públicas de Newark no han recibido la cantidad total de fondos estatales que Nueva Jersey les debe para brindar una “educación exhaustiva y eficiente” a todos los estudiantes, como lo exige la constitución estatal.

Pero eso podría cambiar en 2025, con una cifra récord de $1,250 millones en ayuda destinada al distrito escolar más grande del estado en el presupuesto propuesto por el gobernador Phil Murphy para el año fiscal que comienza el 1 de julio. La semana pasada, Murphy anunció que este plan presupuestario podría financiar completamente los distritos K-12 del estado.

La oficina del gobernador publicó el jueves 29 de febrero estimaciones de asignación de ayuda estatal para cada distrito, que mostraron que Newark obtendría un aumento del 8.8% en la ayuda durante el año en curso.

La semana pasada, Murphy destacó una inversión de $11.6 mil millones para las escuelas públicas el próximo año. La ayuda estatal propuesta, un aumento de $908 millones con respecto a este año, sería el pago final de Murphy al plan de siete años estipulado en la legislación promulgada en 2018 que tenía como objetivo corregir las desigualdades con la fórmula de financiamiento escolar del estado y redirigir el dinero a distritos con fondos insuficientes, incluido Newark.

El plan de gastos propuesto por Murphy de $55.9 mil millones pasará por negociaciones con los legisladores, en foros públicos y en privado, antes de finalizarse antes de la fecha límite del 30 de junio.

Durante una conferencia de prensa el jueves 29 de febrero en la escuela primaria Charles and Anna Booker en Plainfield para promocionar la ayuda escolar propuesta, Murphy insinuó que los fondos reservados para las escuelas podrían permanecer seguros durante los próximos meses de negociaciones.

El presupuesto propuesto se encuentra en un “muy buen punto de partida”, señaló Murphy. “Las cosas siempre cambian entre ahora y el 30 de junio, pero un par de cosas no cambiarán —puedo decir esto con confianza— la financiación total de K-12 y la expansión de pre-K están ahí y están en cemento”.

Su plan de gastos incluye $124 millones para ayuda preescolar, así como financiamiento para otras iniciativas relacionadas con la educación, como expandir el programa de comidas escolares gratuitas, asignar $2.5 millones para un programa de subvenciones para evaluación de alfabetización y proporcionar dinero adicional para estipendios de estudiantes y maestros.

Según la Ley de Reforma de Financiamiento Escolar de 2008, el estado ha utilizado una fórmula estudiantil ponderada para brindar a los distritos apoyo financiero además de los impuestos locales para abordar las desigualdades en la educación observadas en todo el estado. Ese cálculo cambia año tras año considerando los cambios de inscripción y otros factores. En los 15 años transcurridos desde que se estableció la fórmula de financiación escolar, el estado no ha proporcionado el monto total adeudado a los distritos con fondos insuficientes.

En los últimos años, la administración Murphy ha aumentado gradualmente la ayuda estatal de Newark, siendo esta financiación propuesta la más alta. Este año, el distrito recibió $1.15 mil millones en ayuda estatal, en comparación con 2023, cuando el distrito recibió $1,000 millones, y el año anterior, cuando el distrito recibió $915 millones.

El presidente del Sindicato de Maestros de Newark, John Abeigon, manifestó en un comunicado el jueves por la noche que espera que el aumento propuesto en la ayuda estatal para el distrito contribuya “en gran medida a ayudar al distrito a responder de manera significativa” a la contratación y retención de maestros. El sindicato de docentes y el distrito han estado negociando un nuevo contrato ya que el actual expira en junio.

La ayuda estatal para el próximo año incluiría $8.5 millones reservados para transporte y $66 millones reservados para educación especial. Valerie Wilson, administradora de negocios escolares del distrito, señaló en marzo pasado que el aumento en la ayuda estatal para 2024 todavía estaba $27.7 millones por debajo de la cantidad que se le debía al distrito según la fórmula de financiamiento escolar. Aproximadamente el 86% del presupuesto del distrito para el año escolar 2023-24 provino de ayuda estatal.

Está previsto que el distrito presente su propio presupuesto a la comunidad el 27 de marzo. La ayuda estatal propuesta, un nivel históricamente alto, se produciría cuando el distrito enfrenta el fin de su ayuda federal de ayuda por COVID y enfrenta demandas costosas en 2025, como un nuevo contrato para el sindicato de maestros e infraestructura obsoleta.

Esta traducción fue proporcionada por El Latino Newspaper, en asociación con el Centro de Medios Cooperativos de la Universidad Estatal de Montclair, y cuenta con el apoyo financiero del Consorcio de Información Cívica de NJ. La historia fue escrita originalmente en inglés por Chalkbeat Newark y se vuelve a publicar en virtud de un acuerdo especial para compartir contenido a través del Servicio de noticias de traducción al español de NJ News Commons.

This translation was provided by El Latino Newspaper, in association with the Center for Cooperative Media at Montclair State University and is financially supported by the NJ Civic Information Consortium. The story was originally written in English by Chalkbeat Newark and is republished under a special content sharing agreement through the NJ News Commons Spanish Translation News Service.

Catherine Carrera is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Newark. Reach Catherine at ccarrera@chalkbeat.org.

Donald Trump falsely claims migrants are displacing NYC students. The city has empty seats.

2024-03-05T23:12:29+00:00

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Former President Donald Trump falsely claimed this week that migrant students are displacing other children from New York City’s schools.

In fact, the city’s public schools have struggled in recent years with the opposite problem: too many empty seats.

Enrollment has ticked up slightly this school year, thanks in part to an influx of migrant students, though still remains about 9% below pre-pandemic levels. Education Department officials have said boosting school rosters is a top priority, as lower enrollment can lead to smaller budgets, mergers, and closures.

In an interview with the Right Side Broadcasting Network on Monday, Trump claimed without evidence that “we have children that are no longer going to school” because of the influx of migrants.

“I’m not blaming them,” he said. “I’m saying they put the students in the place of our students like in New York City. We have these wonderful students who are going to school — all of a sudden they no longer have a seat.”

A spokesperson for the Trump campaign did not respond to a request to elaborate on his comments. There is no evidence that any students have been left without a school seat due to the arrival of new migrants, and an Education Department spokesperson said the claims were false.

“We will continue to work with students, families, and partners to ensure that newcomer students have what they need in our public schools and that our schools are well equipped to support these needs,” Education Department spokesperson Nicole Brownstein wrote in a statement.

Immigration advocates also blasted Trump’s comments.

“The idea that we somehow don’t have space or that children are being removed from schools is just completely unfounded,” said Liza Schwartzwald, director of economic justice and family empowerment at the New York Immigration Coalition.

Trump, the likely Republican nominee for president, has sought to make immigration a centerpiece of his reelection campaign and has escalated anti-immigrant rhetoric, promising to revive a ban from some Muslim-majority countries and refusing asylum claims. He has also swept discussion of education into some campaign stops, claiming at a Saturday rally in Virginia that New York schools are overwhelmed teaching students who speak languages “that nobody ever heard of.”

Since the summer of 2022, Republican governors of southern border states have sent busloads of migrants to cities with Democratic leaders, including New York. Over that period, about 36,000 children who live in temporary housing have enrolled in the city’s public schools — including 18,000 this school year — many of them migrants. (City officials do not ask for a student’s immigration status when they enroll.)

The city’s Education Department is required by law to provide a seat to any school-age child who needs one regardless of their immigration status. Many school communities have worked hard to welcome migrant students and provide appropriate instruction in English and their home language.

And while there is no evidence that migrants have displaced other students, some parent leaders and other groups have protested the new arrivals.

In January, Brooklyn’s James Madison High School pivoted to remote learning for one day after migrant families were temporarily housed there because severe wind threatened tent shelters at Floyd Bennett Field that housed newcomers. The episode generated vitriol from some families and morphed into a talking point for right-wing pundits. But several students and parents were perplexed by the outrage and noted the disruption was minor.

“The hostility towards the migrants was definitely uncalled for,” senior Zola Zephirin told Chalkbeat. “These are people, they have families, they come here and attempt to make a better life, just like many of the students at Madison.”

Schools have sometimes struggled to accommodate newcomers. The enrollment process has been bumpy for some migrant families as the city scrambled to keep up, and schools often can’t hire enough bilingual educators, a long-standing shortage area. At the same time, city officials have tweaked the school funding formula to funnel more dollars to schools with more students living in temporary housing — which benefits schools with more migrant children.

For his part, New York Mayor Eric Adams has sent mixed messages about the influx of migrants. Last year he claimed the influx of migrants would “destroy” the city, drawing outrage from immigrant groups, and has blamed them for cuts to city services. But he also celebrated the uptick in public school enrollment, fueled in part by new arrivals.

Some advocates, including Schwartzwald, see parallels between Trump and Adams’ rhetoric and worry about the climate it creates for asylum seekers, some of which has reverberated in schools. Some students at Newcomers High School, for instance, have sought a name change in part because they fear the label “puts a target on us.”

“When Mayor Adams uses rhetoric where he — just like Trump — tries to create an ‘us’ and a ‘them’ — what he’s saying is not all immigrants are New Yorkers,” Schwartzwald said. “Anyone who comes to New York to make a life is a New Yorker as far as we’re concerned.”

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

How many layoffs at your CPS school?

2018-06-08T02:19:18+00:00

Chicago Public Schools announced Wednesday that the district will lay off 156 teachers and 382 support personnel at the end of the school year. The impact will be felt at 271 schools; 399 district-run schools are not affected.

The number of job cuts represents less than 1 percent of the teacher workforce.

Below are the 10 categories of support personnel that sustained the most cuts. The district starred the categories of “teacher assistant II” and “teacher assistant,” noting they may be moved back into full-time positions in the fall once class sizes are set.

The district will start holding job fairs June 9. Last year, CPS laid off 356 teachers but rehired 64 percent of them in other full-time positions.

On Thursday, the district released the list of cuts by individual schools — identifying the numbers of teachers and educational support personnel facing layoffs. To find your school, type it into the search field below.

Deadline extended for NYC summer youth jobs program. What families should know

2024-02-29T17:01:12+00:00

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This story was updated to reflect the new deadline, March 15.

Sixteen-year-old Martha Martin’s reason for applying to last year’s New York City’s Summer Youth Employment Program was simple.

“I had nothing to do over the summer,” she said.

But to her surprise, she loved the work.

Through the program, Martha was employed as a teacher’s aide in Bay Ridge, taking care of 3-year-olds. With the extra income, Martha was able to pay for her books and school supplies for the upcoming school year, while giving some extra money to her mom to help her family.

Now, Martha, an 11th grader at Pace High School in Manhattan, is considering a career in early childhood education.

“I realized that I like working with kids, and probably see that in my future,” she said. “I never expected myself to actually be working with kids, but I’m so glad that I did.”

What Martha experienced last summer mirrors that of thousands of other young people across the five boroughs. The Summer Youth Employment Program, also known as SYEP, has for decades provided the city’s youth with paid opportunities to explore potential career pathways.

But for those who want a chance to participate this year, the deadline is fast approaching: Applications are due by 11:59 p.m. on Friday, March 15. The city extended the deadline by two weeks.

The application period was moved up from last year’s mid-April due date to allow for earlier enrollment and to give community-based providers and worksites more time to prepare, according to officials.

In recent years, the program has expanded, with Mayor Eric Adams adding 25,000 seats in 2022 — bringing it up to 100,000 spots in total. Last year, the program also made a commitment to matching LGBTQ+ youth with “supportive work opportunities.”

City officials have praised the program, noting participation can improve school attendance, reduce incarceration rates, and help keep young people safe over the course of the summer.

Applicants are asked to indicate three areas of career interest among a wide range of industries, as well as three providers they want to work with.

Where can I apply?

Young people can apply online at: https://application.nycsyep.com/ApplicationPages/NYCIDLogin

Who is eligible?

The program is open to New York City residents between the ages of 14 and 24 who are legally eligible to work in the United States.

Participation in the program is not based on income, and applicants are not required to submit any documentation related to parental income.

Though undocumented youth aren’t eligible for the program, they and others who face enrollment obstacles are eligible for a smaller Department of Youth and Community Development program known as SYEP Pathways. It offers summer project-based learning to a number of young people.

That program, which had more than 800 spots last year, recruits through local community-based organizations, and young people interested in participating can check with their local organizations, according to officials.

The SYEP Pathways program has been praised for offering opportunities to undocumented youth, but has also raised some concerns that pay is inequitable compared with SYEP. Last year, the program provided participants with a stipend of about $500 for 60 hours of project-based learning.

How much will I earn? What will I be doing?

Programming and pay for the Summer Youth Employment Program vary based on the individual participant’s age.

Participants aged 16 and older will be assigned to work 25 hours per week for six weeks, earning $16 per hour. Meanwhile, younger participants will work about half as many weekly hours and earn up to $700 over the course of the program.

Younger participants are assigned projects by one of the more than 40 participating community-based providers, offering them a chance to explore future career opportunities and develop leadership and other skills over the course of the program.

Older participants are matched to a worksite based on their interests. Work sites can range between public, private, and nonprofit organizations. Last year, the program saw youth placed across nearly 18,000 worksites in industries that included finance, fashion, philanthropy, technology, arts, engineering, health care, legal services, real estate, transportation, advertising, hospitality, media, retail, and more.

Some young people who face particular barriers to employment — like those who are justice-involved, NYCHA residents, experiencing homelessness, attending District 75 schools, and more — also qualify for tailored experiences.

Am I guaranteed a spot?

The program has 100,000 spots, but applications typically exceed that number. The city fills the majority of seats by random lottery, according to DYCD. As of March 1, more than 140,000 people had applied.

Last year, more than 176,000 people applied for a spot in the program.

How long does the program run?

The program runs for six weeks in July and August.

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

Newark schools would get $1.25 billion in aid under Gov. Phil Murphy’s 2025 budget plan

2024-03-01T14:57:05+00:00

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For decades, Newark Public Schools hasn’t received the full amount of state funding it’s due from New Jersey to provide a “thorough and efficient education” for all students, as mandated by the state constitution.

But that could change in 2025, with a record-high $1.25 billion in aid earmarked for the state’s largest school district in Gov. Phil Murphy’s proposed budget for the fiscal year that begins on July 1. He announced earlier this week that this budget plan would fully fund the state’s K-12 districts.

The governor’s office on Thursday released state aid allocation estimates for every district, which showed Newark would get an 8.8% increase in aid over the current year.

Earlier this week, Murphy highlighted an investment of $11.6 billion for public schools next year. The proposed state aid — a $908 million increase over this year — would be Murphy’s final payment into the seven-year plan stipulated in legislation enacted in 2018 that aimed to fix inequities with the state’s school funding formula and redirected money to underfunded districts, including Newark.

Murphy’s $55.9 billion proposed spending plan will go through negotiations with lawmakers, in public forums and privately, before it gets finalized by the June 30 deadline.

During a news conference on Thursday at Charles and Anna Booker Elementary School in Plainfield to tout the proposed school aid, Murphy hinted that the funds set aside for schools could remain safe during the next few months of negotiations.

The proposed budget is at a “very good starting place,” Murphy said. “Things always move around between now and June 30, but a couple things won’t move around — I can say this with confidence — fully funding K-12 and expanding pre-K are there and they are in cement.”

His spending plan includes $124 million for preschool aid, as well as funding for other educational-related initiatives, such as expanding the free school meals program, allocating $2.5 million allocation for a literacy screening grant program, and providing additional money for student-teacher stipends.

Under the School Funding Reform Act of 2008, the state has used a weighted student formula to give districts financial support in addition to local taxes to address inequities in education seen statewide. That calculation changes year-to-year considering enrollment shifts and other factors. In the 15 years since the school funding formula was established, the state has not provided the full amount owed to underfunded districts.

Over the last several years, the Murphy administration has incrementally increased Newark’s state aid, with this proposed funding being the highest. This year, the district received $1.15 billion in state aid – up from 2023 when the district received $1 billion, and the year before that when the district received $915 million.

Newark Teachers Union President John Abeigon said in a statement late Thursday that he hopes the proposed increase in state aid for the district goes “a long way in helping the district respond in a meaningful way” to recruiting and retaining teachers. The teachers union and district have been negotiating a new contract as the current one expires in June.

The state aid for next year would include $8.5 million set aside for transportation and $66 million set aside for special education.

Valerie Wilson, the district’s school business administrator, noted last March that the increase in state aid for 2024 was still $27.7 million short of the amount the district was owed under the school funding formula. Roughly 86% of the district’s budget for the 2023-24 school year came from state aid.

The district is scheduled to present its own budget to the community on March 27. The proposed historic-high state aid would come as the district faces the end of its federal COVID relief aid and confronts costly demands in 2025 — such as a new teachers union contract and aging infrastructure.

Catherine Carrera is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Newark. Reach Catherine at ccarrera@chalkbeat.org.

N.J. Gov. Phil Murphy’s 2025 budget proposal outlines plan to fully fund school aid formula

2024-02-27T22:58:00+00:00

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Gov. Phil Murphy proposed $11.6 billion for New Jersey’s public schools in his fiscal year 2025 budget address on Tuesday — a historic investment that would, for the first time, fully fund K-12 schools.

The proposed aid, a $908 million increase from the current year, would be Murphy’s final payment into the seven-year plan, outlined by a law he signed in 2018, to fully fund the state’s school aid formula and redirect money to underfunded districts, including Newark Public Schools.

“We will be the first administration in our state’s history to fully fund New Jersey’s school funding formula,” Murphy said to a standing ovation in the Assembly Chambers at the statehouse in Trenton. The speech was streamed on the governor’s social media channels.

Before a room full of lawmakers, former governors, and community advocates, Murphy outlined his $55.9 billion proposed spending plan for the fiscal year beginning July 1. The plan includes major investments in schools, the public transit system, and public worker pensions, in addition to a proposed surplus of $6.1 billion, he said.

But a shortfall in tax revenues, a looming forecast of steep deficits, and other economic hardships could present challenges to fund this plan. Lawmakers will be negotiating and making changes to the proposed budget over the next few months before the deadline of June 30.

“There’s a simple reason why we’re keeping this promise,” Murphy said of the proposed boost in state school aid. “It’s because we need to cultivate the potential of every student anyway we can, whether they live in Cranbury or Camden — and that also means equipping our state’s educators with every tool they need to help our children learn and grow.”

Murphy also proposed other educational investments in the budget. He wants $124 million to go to preschool aid, which would include $20 million to expand preschool programs into new districts and create 1,000 new seats. He also wants an additional $30 million to expand the free school meals program, and to join 34 other states to take part in the Summer EBT program, which aims to combat child hunger during the summer with the help of $60 million in federal funds.

In addition, his plan includes a $2.5 million allocation for a grant program to help school districts acquire literacy screening tools to help children in need of support, a promise he made in his State of the State address last month.

While the proposed budget outlined major funding to support education, there was no sign of funding for the Schools Development Authority, a severely underfunded program meant to help high-poverty districts pay for projects to repair dilapidated school buildings.

A historic boost for school aid

Since 2008, New Jersey has used a weighted student formula created under the School Funding Reform Act to give districts financial support in addition to local taxes to provide every student a “thorough and efficient” education, as stipulated in the state constitution. However, in the 15 years since that formula was established, the state has not provided the full amount owed to underfunded districts.

During his campaign for governor in 2017, Murphy promised to prioritize fully funding the formula. Though his annual efforts to follow through on that promise have received much praise, education advocates say key updates and revisions to the formula are urgent to meet today’s educational needs.

Still, the last seven years of funding increases in state aid has been a marked shift from former Gov. Chris Christie’s administration, which mostly kept state aid flat.

In the state’s 2024 budget, Murphy allotted $10.8 billion for school aid – an $832 million increase from the prior year, as well as $103 million in additional aid approved for school districts seeing reductions in funding based on adjustments to the formula. That budget also included $109 million for the state’s universal pre-K program and $40 million to expand other programs, such as workforce development.

Newark, the state’s largest school district, received $1.2 billion in state aid for the current fiscal year, which was an extra $114 million over last year. Valerie Wilson, the district’s school business administrator, noted last March that the increase in state aid was still $27.7 million short of the amount the district was owed under the formula. Roughly 86% of the district’s budget for the 2023-24 school year came from state aid.

Typically, in the days following the governor’s budget address, the state will send districts the estimated state aid they can expect based on the proposed spending plan. Districts use those estimates to finalize their own budget proposals for next school year.

More funding needed for school buildings

Murphy received a mix of praise and criticism from education organization leaders on his proposed spending plan for next year.

“His efforts to fully fund New Jersey’s education formula, including the proposed $11.7 billion in his FY2025 budget plan, have gone a long way towards meeting the educational needs of students across the state,” said Harry Lee, president and CEO of the New Jersey Public Charter Schools Association, in an emailed statement.

Still, Lee added, public charter schools are in “desperate need of facilities upgrades and renovations,” and he urged lawmakers to consider earmarking funding for the recently established Charter School and Renaissance School Project Facilities Loan Program.

Education Law Center research director Danielle Farrie pressed lawmakers to support Murphy’s school funding formula infusion during negotiations and to consider adding $1 million to support efforts to update the formula. In an emailed statement, she also noted the lack of funding for the Schools Development Authority.

“Reaching full state funding and supporting preschool are just a part of what’s needed to make sure all public schools have the resources to provide a thorough and efficient education for their students,” Farrie said.

The New Jersey Education Association, in a prepared statement, had high marks for the governor’s proposal, but the teachers union also called on legislators to institute “transition aid” for school districts that will see a reduction in funding due to various changes with enrollment or other factors.

Jessie Gómez is a reporter for Chalkbeat Newark, covering public education in the city. Contact Jessie at jgomez@chalkbeat.org.

Catherine Carrera is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Newark, covering the city’s K-12 schools with a focus on English language learners. Contact Catherine at ccarrera@chalkbeat.org.

Partial FAFSA fix lets students from immigrant families apply for financial aid

2024-02-21T01:24:04+00:00

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Students whose parents lack a Social Security number can finally fill out federal financial aid forms after the Biden administration announced a workaround Tuesday for one of the most glaring problems with what was supposed to be a simpler, easier form.

U.S. Department of Education officials say these students can leave their parent or spouse’s Social Security number blank for now, and manually enter the person’s income and tax information. The department provided details about the workaround to Chalkbeat, and plans to post them online Wednesday.

Chalkbeat first reported in January that the Social Security glitch was preventing potentially tens of thousands of eligible U.S. citizen students from applying for financial aid.

The workaround is meant to help students meet fast-approaching deadlines for certain state, college, or scholarship applications. The department promised a permanent fix is coming next month. It is also urging students who don’t have an urgent submission deadline to wait until then. Those who use the workaround will need to take additional steps in March to fully submit their application.

This puts significant pressure on school counselors and college access organizations to guide families through the process on a compressed timeline.

The Better FAFSA, as the new version of the Free Application for Federal Financial Aid is known, was supposed to make it easier for students to apply for aid for college. While more than 4 million students have completed the form successfully, the rollout has been plagued by glitches and delays. Far fewer students have completed the form than in previous years, and frustration and anxiety is mounting among parents, counselors, and college administrators.

Department officials said they intend to fully resolve FAFSA submission issues for parents without Social Security numbers “in the first half of March.” After that, students won’t need the workaround.

The education department is also working to fix a separate problem that’s made it difficult for parents without Social Security numbers to create a login for the FAFSA website. Officials said they will automate that process this month and add more Spanish-speaking staff to the call center that’s helping families navigate that issue.

Department officials estimate that 2% of federal financial aid applicants are experiencing issues due to the Social Security number glitch.

The announcement came the same day that over 90 Democratic members of the U.S. House of Representatives, led by U.S. Reps. Jesus “Chuy” García of Illinois, Colin Allred of Texas, and Jared Huffman and Nanette Barragán of California, sent a letter to Education Secretary Miguel Cardona expressing concerns about the “flawed rollout” of the FAFSA.

They urged the department to quickly resolve the technical issues preventing students whose parents don’t have Social Security numbers from submitting their applications.

“Students eligible for financial aid have the right to access that aid, regardless of their parents’ citizenship status,” García wrote in a press release. “But because of a technical error in the new FAFSA form, many of my constituents from immigrant and mixed-status families were left without answers and no path forward as college financial aid deadlines crept up.”

García added that he and other lawmakers “spent weeks” urging the department to fix the issue, and that while the temporary fix was a good first step, “The Department must continue to rectify these errors in rollout so no student is blocked from the aid they need.”

The letter notes that federal officials identified the issue affecting parents without Social Security numbers on Jan. 4. Tuesday marked the first update. On past calls with reporters, top education department officials said only that they were working to fix the problem.

A paper version of the FAFSA still exists, but officials have not widely publicized it and there are downsides to using it, such as greater chance of making mistakes.

The letter writers also call on the department “to conduct outreach to proactively inform students, counselors, and other stakeholders about when families with undocumented parents can expect a solution and how to submit their forms once it’s resolved.”

Department officials said Tuesday evening that they would set up a new email list to keep students and families who’ve been affected by this issue in the loop on updates.

Without a fix, American high school students whose parents are undocumented could end up at the back of the line for financial aid, especially in the states — including Illinois, Indiana, and Tennessee — that distribute aid on a first-come, first-served basis, the lawmakers note.

Justin Draeger, who heads the nonprofit National Association of Student Financial Aid Administrators, said in a statement that he worried the temporary solution would be “confusing and burdensome” to many students and families and that it was imperative that the department met its mid-March deadline for a permanent fix.

“Any further delays would be disastrous for both students and schools,” Draeger wrote.

The Better FAFSA’s brief, rocky history

The rollout of the new federal financial aid process has been troubled from the start.

The form didn’t become available to families until January, which cut months off the normal timeline for students to fill out the form. Students experiencing homelessness, students in foster care, and students whose parents are undocumented immigrants — all students for whom financial support is critical to their college decisions — have faced major problems even completing the form.

As of mid-February, just 22% of high school seniors had completed the FAFSA, according to an analysis of federal data by the National College Attainment Network, compared with 41% of the Class of 2023 by this same time last year. Completion rates are down more than 50% at high schools serving large numbers of low-income students and students of color.

Spurred by Republican lawmakers, the Government Accountability Office has opened two investigations into the FAFSA launch, Politico reported.

Meanwhile, the education department has said it won’t be able to share student information with colleges until mid-March, a delay that means colleges aren’t able to share financial aid packages with students until later in the spring. That’s left school staff and advocates worried that students will rush to make decisions before they have all the financial information they need.

Already, a slew of colleges have announced they’re pushing back their deadlines for students to commit, a delay that has implications for those institutions’ own planning for the next academic year.

Advocates for first-generation college students and those from low-income backgrounds fear that a lack of accurate information about financial aid will cause many students to put off higher education or opt for community college.

Recent data suggests fewer than half of students who transfer from a community college to a four-year program go on to complete their bachelor’s degree, and the rate is lower among students from vulnerable backgrounds.

Kalyn Belsha is a senior national education reporter based in Chicago. Contact her at kbelsha@chalkbeat.org.

Erica Meltzer is Chalkbeat’s national editor based in Colorado. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Should kids learn about LGBTQ issues at school? Many teachers and teens say no, new surveys find.

2024-02-23T21:21:25+00:00

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Should elementary schoolers learn that people of the same gender can love each other? Do teens want to learn about how slavery’s legacy matters today? Should parents be able to opt their kids out of lessons they disagree with?

As Republican-dominated state legislatures limit how teachers talk about race and restrict transgender children’s access to bathrooms and sports, and as school board elections turn on book bans and parents’ rights, three new national studies from the Pew Research Center, the research corporation RAND, and the University of Southern California’s Center for Applied Research in Education shed light on how teachers, parents, and students themselves think about these questions.

For all the attention LGBTQ issues receive in national politics, teachers said topics related to gender identity and sexual orientation rarely come up. And many said they don’t believe these topics should be taught in school.

In fact, large swaths of the public also don’t think gender and sexuality should be discussed in school, the studies found. However, there were wide partisan divides, as well as differences along racial and ethnic lines.

Adults and teens felt more comfortable with teachers teaching about racism than LGBTQ issues. They were also more comfortable with teachers talking about past injustices than present-day inequality, and more comfortable with gay rights than trans rights. And they were more comfortable with any of these topics coming up at the high school level — though many teens reported their own discomfort.

So it is perhaps unsurprising that two-thirds of teachers in one study said they decided on their own to limit how they talked about potentially contentious issues. One reason: They feared confrontations with upset parents.

“The topics of race and LGBTQ issues are often lumped together in discussions about these so-called ‘culture wars’ and how that’s playing out in K-12 education,” said Luona Lin, a research associate at Pew. But teachers and students actually “feel very different about these two topics.”

Here are some of the major takeaways of the three new reports:

Many teachers are censoring themselves

More than a third of American teachers work in states with laws restricting how teachers talk about issues that are considered divisive or controversial. But a study released this month by the research organization RAND found local restrictions and teachers’ own fears are having an effect as well.

In a survey of 1,500 teachers taken last year, two-thirds reported deciding on their own to limit how they talked about social and political issues in the classroom. Meanwhile, about half of teachers told RAND they were subject to either a state or local restriction. These limits could be formal, such as a school board policy, or informal, such as a principal’s comments.

More than 80% of those who were subject to a local restriction said they had made changes to their teaching, regardless of state law. That should not be surprising, said Ashley Woo, an assistant policy researcher at RAND.

“If your principal is telling you to do something, that is the person who is there with you at the school and can see what is happening in your classroom,” she said.

At the same time, more than half of teachers who were not subject to any restrictions said they had limited how they talked about certain topics, with self-censoring more common in conservative communities but still widespread in liberal ones.

A major reason teachers cited for limiting instruction, especially in communities with local restrictions, was a fear of confrontation with upset parents and that their administration would not support them if they faced a challenge.

LGBTQ issues raised less often than racism in classrooms

Though LGBTQ issues are prominent in local and national politics, a report released this week reveals a striking finding: Most teachers say gender identity and sexual orientation hardly get discussed in class — and many teachers say they shouldn’t be.

According to a nationally representative survey conducted last fall by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center, more than two-thirds of K-12 public school teachers said topics related to sexual orientation and gender identity rarely or never came up in their classroom last school year. Around 3 in 10 said the topics came up sometimes or often.

Half of teachers, meanwhile, said they thought students shouldn’t learn about gender identity at school, with an even higher share of elementary school teachers agreeing with that view.

The findings come as anti-trans legislation creates a more hostile environment for gender non-conforming youth in many states.

In contrast, more than half of teachers said they discussed topics related to racism or racial inequality at least sometimes. Around 4 in 10 teachers said the issues rarely or never came up.

Nearly two-thirds of teachers said students should learn about slavery and how it affects the lives of Black Americans today, while just under a quarter said slavery should be taught only as a component of history — without any bearing on the present.

Lin, the Pew report’s lead author, says it’s likely that school board policies, local politics, and state laws are influencing what teachers discuss, though the survey doesn’t measure those factors.

What should young kids learn about gender and sexuality?

In Searching for Common Ground, a study released this week by a team at the University of Southern California, researchers surveyed a representative sample of 3,900 adults, about half of them parents of school-aged children, and asked them about dozens of scenarios related to race, sexuality, and gender.

Democrats were more comfortable than Republicans with almost every scenario, with independents and others roughly in the middle. But even Democrats were less supportive of discussing gender identity or asking students’ pronouns in elementary school than discussing racism or different family structures.

Nearly half of all respondents thought it was appropriate for an elementary teacher to have a picture of their same-sex spouse on their desk. And almost as many were OK with elementary students reading a book about two male penguins adopting a baby penguin.

But just 30% of respondents and only half of Democrats thought it was appropriate for an elementary classroom to display LGBTQ-friendly decorations, such as a Pride flag.

Democrats were far more likely to want gay or trans children to see themselves reflected at school, while Republicans were far more likely to fear discussing these topics would change children, leading to them thinking they are gay or trans.

“The largest partisan examples seem to have to do with LGBTQ and family issues in elementary school,” said Morgan Polikoff, a USC education professor and one of the study’s lead authors. “Democrats think that kids can handle that and Republicans do not.”

The rollout of Advanced Placement African American Studies reflects widespread interest among some students and teachers in learning more diverse history, but some conservatives have targeted the course.

More students feel comfortable discussing racism than LGBTQ issues

Students in grades 8-12 also tend to feel less comfortable discussing LGBTQ issues than issues of race and racism at school, and are more likely to say they shouldn’t be learning about them, the Pew report found.

In a nationally representative survey of 13- to 17-year-olds conducted last fall, around 4 in 10 teens said they felt comfortable when topics related to racism or racial inequality came up in class.

But only around 3 in 10 said the same about topics related to sexual orientation or gender identity. And just under half of teens said they shouldn’t learn about gender identity at school. That rate was somewhat higher for teens who identified as Republicans than Democrats.

Only 11% of teens, meanwhile, said they shouldn’t learn about slavery. Around half said they should learn about slavery and how it affects the lives of Black Americans today, while 40% said they should learn about slavery only in a historical context.

Black teens and teens who identify as Democrats were much more likely than white, Hispanic, or Republican teens to say they want to learn about how the legacy of slavery affects Black people today — a finding echoed among Black parents and Black teachers in other surveys.

Bridging these divides is tricky

The University of Southern California study found strong support for public education across the political spectrum.

But there’s a gap of nearly 39 percentage points between Democrats and Republicans on whether public schools should teach children to embrace differences. Nearly three-quarters of Democrats said yes, compared with just over a third of Republicans.

This underlying belief was a strong predictor of responses to specific scenarios. Those who said kids shouldn’t be taught to embrace differences also expressed more discomfort with race, gender, and sexuality being discussed in the classroom.

“Democrats on average think schools are exactly the place to do this — it’s one of the last places where everyone comes together regardless of their differences,” Polikoff said. “And Republicans don’t think that is an appropriate role for schools. And they think that because they perceive, in part correctly, that schools are a liberalizing force.”

There was broad support for parents having the right to opt their child out of certain lessons, but when researchers prompted respondents to consider downsides, such as their child missing out on the opportunity to learn critical thinking skills, support fell.

Understanding the values that drive differences and building on common ground, such as agreement that children should read books by authors of color and learn about historic injustices, could lead to a healthier conversation than what’s happening now.

“We need to have this conversation,” he said. “Instead we have Ron DeSantis saying we’ll ban everything, and Democrats sticking their fingers in their ears and saying you’re all bigots.”

Erica Meltzer is Chalkbeat’s national editor based in Colorado. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Kalyn Belsha is a senior national education reporter based in Chicago. Contact her at kbelsha@chalkbeat.org.

Supreme Court will not hear case involving racial diversity at selective high school

2024-02-20T21:56:42+00:00

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The Supreme Court announced Tuesday that it will not hear a case challenging the constitutionality of a highly selective Virginia high school’s admissions policy on the grounds that it discriminates against Asian American students.

The high court’s decision not to take the case means that last year’s ruling by an appeals court upholding the admissions policy will stand. The case, known as Coalition for TJ v. Fairfax County School Board, looked at whether the school board was legally allowed to change the entrance criteria for a prestigious magnet high school in Alexandria, Virginia, with the intent of enrolling a more diverse class.

The Supreme Court has long held that school districts can consider race-neutral factors to create more diverse schools. But the plaintiffs in this case alleged the school board used certain criteria as “proxies” for race, with the intent of reducing the share of Asian American students who were admitted to the school.

The case was closely watched because many school districts use similar methods to create diverse student bodies. If the Supreme Court had taken the case, it could have had sweeping consequences for magnet schools and other selective K-12 programs, legal experts say.

Still, observers say it likely won’t be the end of legal challenges to selective K-12 admissions. The same law firm that brought this case, for example, has challenged similar admissions policies for selective schools in Boston, New York City, and New York state.

“I do think given the number of cases that are percolating through different districts and courts of appeals, that it’s probably true that there will be additional attempts to revisit this issue before the Supreme Court,” said Cara McClellan, a practice associate professor of law at the University of Pennsylvania, who has written about legal challenges to race-conscious admissions. “It continues to be a hotly contested issue.”

In a Tuesday statement, the chair of the Fairfax County School Board said the decision put to rest a three-year legal battle over the fairness of the admissions policy change.

“We have long believed that the new admissions process is both constitutional and in the best interest of all of our students,” Karl Frisch said. “It guarantees that all qualified students from all neighborhoods in Fairfax County have a fair shot at attending this exceptional high school.”

In a statement, the Pacific Legal Foundation, the libertarian law firm representing the plaintiffs, said by choosing not to hear the case, “the Supreme Court missed an important opportunity to end race-based discrimination in K-12 admissions.”

Admissions policy changed to include student ‘experience factors’

While the Supreme Court has shown a willingness to overturn years of legal precedent in other cases — notably by prohibiting colleges and universities from considering race as a factor in higher education admissions last year — it was apparently not willing to revisit its earlier decisions here. Notably, the Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that school districts can take certain steps to racially diversify their student bodies, so long as they do not explicitly consider the race of individual students.

In this case, the Coalition for TJ alleged that the Fairfax County School Board violated the equal protection clause of the Constitution in 2020 when it changed its policy to get into Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology, a top high school that draws from five Virginia school districts.

Known as TJ, the high school offers advanced math and science classes that put its graduates on the path for elite colleges and careers. Historically, to get in, applicants needed to do well on a series of standardized tests and essays, and obtain high grades and teacher recommendations. Typically, students from just a few middle schools won most of the slots.

In 2020, shortly after the murder of George Floyd prompted a racial reckoning at many schools, school leaders sought to change the enrollment policy, pointing out that very few Black and Hispanic students gained entrance. During the 2019-20 school year, the school of around 1,800 students was 71% Asian American, 19% white, 5% multiracial, 3% Hispanic, and 2% Black, state data shows.

After months of debate, the Fairfax County School Board approved a new enrollment policy that set aside a certain share of seats at TJ from each middle school in the attendance area.

Students eligible for those seats were evaluated based on their grades, an essay, a description of their skills, and a set of “experience factors,” including whether they came from a low-income family, were an English learner, had a special education plan, or attended a middle school that had historically sent few students to TJ.

In 2021, the Coalition for TJ, which includes parents of students who had applied to TJ or planned to, sued the school board. The group argued that the middle school seat set-aside and experience factors were being used as “proxies” to “racially balance” the school, with the goal of reducing the share of Asian American students.

The appeals court disagreed, and said the school board had used enrollment methods permissible under prior Supreme Court rulings.

According to Fairfax County Public Schools, in the most recent freshman class, which started last fall, Asian American students received 62% of offers to attend TJ, while white students received 19%, Black students received 7% and Hispanic students received 6%. Students from low-income families made up 12% of the incoming class, up from 2% in recent years.

In a dissent issued Tuesday, Justice Samuel Alito, joined by Justice Clarence Thomas, said that the Supreme Court should have heard the Coalition for TJ’s case. Letting the appeals court decision stand, he wrote, was akin to agreeing that “intentional racial discrimination is constitutional so long as it is not too severe.”

“This reasoning is indefensible, and it cries out for correction,” Alito wrote.

Figuring out ‘the goals of public education’

Colleges and universities are still trying to respond to last year’s Supreme Court ruling banning affirmative action in higher education admissions. And K-12 schools are evaluating what they can and should do to address high levels of racial and socioeconomic segregation — on the eve of the 70th anniversary of the landmark Brown v. Board decision.

“K-12 and higher ed is trying to figure out what to do,” said Erica Frankenberg, a Penn State education professor who studies school segregation. “There’s all of these things for us to really think about: What are the goals of public education in our society, and what [do] we want to allow school districts to take into account?”

Several other school districts with selective schools have come under scrutiny for admitting few students from low-income families or few Black and Hispanic students in recent years. Some of them changed admissions policies — only to face pushback from some parents and others who say those changes are unfair.

Chicago, for example, considers the demographics of the area where a student lives as part of the city’s selective high school admissions process, and takes steps to ensure high-performing students from both affluent and low-income areas have access. The city has taken steps to revamp that process to make it more fair for low-income students — and has signaled a desire to move away from the current selective schools system.

Philadelphia, similarly, overhauled its selective high school process to provide greater access to the city’s most coveted magnet schools, and moved to a lottery system that boosted the share of Black and Latino students who gained admission.

New York City, meanwhile, has come under fire from integration advocates for its selective high school admissions, particularly for eight prestigious high schools where a test is the sole basis for admissions. Some advocates have long criticized the test as a barrier for Black and Latino students. But other families have fought to keep the status quo, and parents in areas that are more affluent and have higher numbers of Asian American students have mobilized around the issue.

The University of Pennsylvania’s McClellan said the Supreme Court’s decision should encourage school districts that use methods like Fairfax County’s to create diverse schools to stay the course, regardless of future court challenges.

“School districts that are committed to diversity and inclusion shouldn’t become overly cautious,” McClellan said, pointing to examples of how colleges have rolled back diversity efforts that go beyond the text of the Supreme Court’s recent ruling. “Part of the effect of having ongoing challenges to existing precedent is that there feels like there is a lot of uncertainty — even when the law is clear.”

Kalyn Belsha is a senior national education reporter based in Chicago. Contact her at kbelsha@chalkbeat.org.

This NYC teen wants therapy. Her mom isn’t so sure.

2024-02-10T05:00:00+00:00

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A version of this story is being co-published by the Associated Press.

Derry Oliver was in fifth grade when she first talked to her mom about seeing a therapist.

She was living in Georgia with her uncle and grandparents while her mom was in New York scoping out jobs and apartments ahead of moving the family. It was a rough year apart. Oliver, now 17 and a senior at Cobble Hill School for American Studies in Brooklyn, was feeling depressed. A school staffer raised the idea of a therapist.

Oliver’s mom, also named Derry Oliver, questioned the school’s assessment and didn’t give consent for therapy. “You’re so young,” the mom recalled thinking. “There’s nothing wrong with you. These are growing pains.”

The issue boiled over again during the COVID-19 pandemic when the younger Oliver, struggling with the isolation of remote learning, reached out to her school for help. School-based mental health professionals like social workers can provide some counseling without parent permission. But in New York, referring a student to more intensive therapy almost always requires a parent’s agreement. In Oliver’s case, that led to more conflict.

“It was very emotional for both of us because I understood her frustrations and fears,” the younger Oliver recalled. “But at the same time it’s sometimes best for your child to be able to access this rather than hold it away from them.”

As schools across the country respond to a youth mental health crisis accelerated by the pandemic, many are confronting the thorny legal, ethical, and practical challenges of getting parents on board with treatment. The issue has become politicized, with some states looking to streamline access as conservative politicians elsewhere propose further restrictions, accusing schools of trying to indoctrinate students and cut out parents.

But for families like the Olivers, the decision to start a child in therapy is often deeply personal – bringing up cultural and generational divides, as well as diverging understandings of mental health.

Derry Oliver, 17, believes that therapy could be helpful.

Differing perspectives on mental health aren’t new for parents and kids, but more conflicts are emerging as young people get more comfortable talking openly about mental health and treatment becomes more readily available, especially with the growth of telehealth and online counseling.

“It’s this disconnect,” said Chelsea Trout, a graduate student in social work at NYU doing her training at a charter school in Brooklyn. “The kids are all on TikTok or the internet and understand therapy speak and that this is something that could be helpful for their mental health and are interested in, but don’t have the explicit buy-in from their parents.”

Research suggests that having to obtain parental permission can be a significant barrier to teens accessing treatment.

Access to therapy can be critical, particularly for LGBTQ youth, who are significantly more likely than their peers to attempt suicide, and whose parents may not know about or approve of their sexual orientations or gender identities. Dr. Jessica Chock-Goldman, a social worker at Bard Early College High School in Manhattan, said she’s seen many cases where mental health issues turn severe in part because teens didn’t get earlier access to therapy.

“A lot of kids would be hospitalized because of suicidal ideations or intent because the preventative work didn’t come into fruition,” she said.

Laws about consent vary widely by state

The question of when young people can consent to mental health treatment is getting increasing attention from policymakers. States like California and Colorado have recently lowered the age of consent for treatment to 12. But in some states like North Carolina, the issue has been swept up into larger political debates about parents’ input on curriculum and the rights of transgender students.

There’s also a huge obstacle outside the law: Therapy is rarely free, and paying for it or submitting insurance claims often requires parental support.

Teens in New York can consent to therapy starting at age 16, and a provision allows doctors to authorize treatment for younger children if they deem it in their best interest. But there are caveats: The consent laws only apply in outpatient settings licensed by the state, and they don’t extend to the prescription of medications.

New York City Mayor Eric Adams recently announced a partnership with the platform Talkspace to provide free online counseling to all city teens, through a program known as NYC Teenspace. It doesn’t ask for insurance, but parental consent is required, “except in the case of special circumstances,” according to the program’s website.

Apart from the legal and ethical considerations, clinicians noted that mental health treatment for teens is almost always more effective when parents are on board.

“In an ideal world, absolutely I would love more access to therapy for these kids with the hope they can talk to their parents about what’s happening,” said Chock-Goldman. “Because I believe nothing changes unless you change a family system.”

A mom and daughter split on therapy

For the two generations of Oliver women, their divergent views of therapy are rooted in very different upbringings.

The elder Oliver, 36, was raised in Georgia in the 1980s and ‘90s, when people “didn’t speak on mental health a lot.”

As a kid, Oliver knew some people in therapy, but mainly because “they experienced something extremely traumatic.”

Derry Oliver, 36, is wary of her daughter doing therapy.

As she got older, Oliver had her own encounters with therapists. She was diagnosed with depression and prescribed medication that made her feel like a “zombie,” she said.

Oliver has also felt the sting of being labeled as “aggressive” simply for expressing her emotions as a Black woman – a reality that’s made her reluctant to confide in therapists who aren’t themselves Black women.

She’s concerned that allowing her daughter to see a therapist might lead to a diagnosis that brings the same kind of medication she so despised.

“Baby, there’s nothing wrong with you,” Oliver tells her daughter. “You don’t have any mental issues. You don’t need to be put on anyone’s medication.”

The younger Oliver sees things very differently. She grew up with friends who saw therapists without experiencing acute trauma. And she found numerous examples on platforms like TikTok and Instagram of teens with similar stories who had benefited tremendously from therapy.

“You don’t even have to have anxiety or depression and I don’t even know if I do or not,” she said. “But if you feel as if something isn’t right or okay with you, then I think that’s when a person should be able” to access therapy.

For Oliver and her mom, years of conversations have yielded some progress, but not as much access to therapy as the younger Oliver wants.

Several years ago, the Olivers agreed on a compromise. They found a Black female therapist, and the elder Oliver agreed her daughter could start therapy – as long as she sat in on the sessions. But the therapist changed jobs after about a month, and Oliver hasn’t seen another therapist since.

“It has to be someone trustworthy,” the elder Oliver said of a potential therapist for her daughter.

New initiatives are in the works

Trout, the school social worker in training at the Brooklyn charter school, said she’s encountered a number of parents who, like Oliver, don’t trust the school’s recommendations, and wonder why their child would need therapy if they’re succeeding academically and socially.

“If we’re thinking about predominantly Black and brown communities, if your interactions with social workers or mental health services or anything in that realm thus far have not been positive,” she said, “how could you trust them with your kids?”

Derry Oliver, 36, said her own experience has shaped her views on therapy. Her daughter, Derry Oliver, 17, wants more access to therapy.

Statistics do show a racial divide. In 2021, 14% of white children reported seeing a therapist at some point during that year, compared to 9% of Black children, 8% of Hispanic kids, and only 3% of Asian American children, according to a survey from the Centers for Disease Control.

The barriers are often particularly high in immigrant communities, where there can be a strong stigma, or simply a lack of knowledge about “what therapy or counseling looks like or means,” said Cindy Huang, a child psychologist and professor at Columbia University Teachers College. Huang was recently awarded a grant to launch a pilot program to increase access to mental health treatment for youth at risk of suicide in Manhattan’s Chinatown.

Advocates and experts are continuing to push policymakers to give young people more freedom to consent to therapy without parental approval.

There’s a bill pending in New York’s state Assembly that would give minors more freedom to consent to their own health care, including therapy.

Without access to therapy, the younger Oliver has sought advice about managing her emotions through friends, school social workers, and the internet. But she’s convinced she could do a lot more with consistent professional help.

Oliver has already gotten into a number of colleges — to her mom’s enormous pride — and is weighing her options for next year.

One thing she’s considering: how much access they offer to therapists.

Correction: A previous version of this story said the younger Derry Oliver was living with her brother in Georgia while her mom was in New York. She was actually living with her uncle and grandparents. The story was also corrected to reflect the fact that Chelsea Trout is a social worker in training at a Brooklyn charter school, but hasn’t yet completed her degree.

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

White students need more information about race and racism, not less

2023-04-10T20:30:36+00:00

As an assistant professor of education at Howard University, I have watched over the past two years as state lawmakers and governors have made it harder to teach public school students about American racial history.

These “anti-CRT” and “divisive concept” laws make teachers afraid to talk openly about the history of race and racism in this country, which will leave gaps to fill in years to come. As many have pointed out, a lack of accurate history harms all students. I want to offer my perspective as a white woman who, like many other white people, grew up without exposure to accurate information about race and American history until later in life. I use it to underscore why white children, in particular, need more information about race and American history, not less.

I went to high school in a blue-collar, midwestern city where the automobile industry fed the local economy. I attended a mostly white high school and had no idea that just a few miles away, the schools were mostly Black. In fact, we lived in one of the most segregated cities in the nation during the 1980s.

In high school, we read Maya Angelou and Mildred Taylor, and learned about Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Rosa Parks. But we did not learn how racial segregation laws had shaped the schools we attended, nor how redlining and racial covenants had shaped the surrounding neighborhoods.

We did not learn why it was that our school had so few Black students or so few Black teachers. Each day, the ebb and flow of mostly white students and teachers went unquestioned, leading me, and likely other white students, to assume it was perfectly normal. At home, we did not talk about race, history, or politics. Maybe it was because, like other working-class families, we went to work and did not ask questions. Or maybe it was because, like many white families, talking about race explicitly is taboo.

It wasn’t until graduate school at a predominantly white university at the age of 25 that I began to learn about the history of race in America. And, importantly, it wasn’t by choice. I was not a “race and ethnicity” or “ethnic studies” or “Black studies” major. I was an education major. Making the difference were my professors, who integrated information about race, racism, and the histories and contributions of Asian Americans, Black Americans, Indigenous peoples, and Mexican Americans into the class curriculum.

As a result, my entire understanding of this country changed. And in fact, it improved. I understood more about laws and civics and social movements, and the history of the United States and the colonies. I gained significant respect and reverence for communities of color and a new understanding of my own history as a white person. It opened my worldview and expanded my perspectives and relationships. It made me more committed to our democratic ideals and to building community.

Learning about race and American history fundamentally changed my entire trajectory, and for the better. It shaped each personal and professional decision that I made thereafter.

It wasn’t until graduate school that I began to learn about the history of race in America.

But what if, instead of learning this in my late 20s, I had learned this history as a child? It was only by accident, to some extent, as a first-generation college student, that I attended the graduate program that I did. And it was only through the work of my professors, many of them faculty of color, that I was exposed to anything different. Think of all the other white students in my high school who have proceeded through life, casting votes and making decisions that impact the lives of other people, without an understanding of this nation’s past.

Many white people that I talk to from my own generation, even now, do not know much about America’s racial history. Just this past year, I’ve talked with white people about the ways white lawmakers segregated schools and universities, how Klan members held public offices in the 1920s and 30s, and how Massive Resistance unfolded during desegregation. And it is new to them. When they hear this, it’s like a light bulb goes off. Suddenly, anti-racism and diversity efforts make more sense.

Opponents of addressing this history are afraid that it will make white children feel bad. And yes, I did learn of the brutality and violence of white people. I know that we have the potential to act with malice and disregard for the lives of people of color. But did this make me feel bad? No. It made me feel a healthy sense of responsibility to those different from myself. Teaching our children about the harms white people have perpetrated will not make them feel bad; it will keep them from doing the same thing in the future. And importantly, we must teach them how white people can contribute responsibly and with reverence to the work of racial justice.

White children notice race and internalize prejudice and superiority early on. If we do not inoculate our children from these ideas, we leave them vulnerable to the rising tide of prejudice and race-related hate. Today we are seeing the political impact of my generation, who went through school without enough information about race, racism, and American history to make better decisions in the interest of democracy. We will continue to pay a collective price as a nation if we censor this information in schools.

As white people, we have a lot to learn about the history of race and racism in America. As adults, we have our own gaps, and those of our children, to fill. We need to learn the accurate history of white people, the bad and the good. We need it to better understand ourselves and the world and human dignity. We need it to be better members of our community and to make informed policy decisions and to inoculate our children against racial extremism and xenophobia.

Learning about race, racism, and American history has fundamentally changed my life, and for the better. What I needed as a young white student — what so many of us need still today — was more information about race, racism, and American history, not less.

Kathryn Wiley is an assistant professor on educational policy and leadership at Howard University.

NYC schools would lose $131 million under proposed changes to state funding formula, officials say

2024-02-01T23:26:29+00:00

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New York City schools could lose out on $131 million under proposed changes to the state’s school funding formula, officials said Thursday at a budget hearing in Albany.

Because of a change Gov. Kathy Hochul included in her proposed budget last month, the city could see less money than anticipated. Schools Chancellor David Banks expressed concerns at the hearing.

“This does not help us at the level that we expect,” he said. “There’s certainly now additional adjustments we’re going to have to make at the loss of revenue.”

Overall, the city’s schools are poised to receive roughly $13.3 billion from the state for the upcoming fiscal year, representing a more than $340 million increase in state aid from last year. But city officials were caught off guard that the number was lower than they expected.

Typically, state funding accounts for more than a third of the city’s Education Department budget.

Concerns over the state funding formula come as Mayor Eric Adams has significantly cut the budget for New York City schools, chopping nearly $550 million from the city’s Education Department budget for this fiscal year, as well as another $100 million for next fiscal year.

At Thursday’s hearing, which focused on the K-12 education portion of the state’s budget, several lawmakers questioned the governor’s decision to alter the state’s Foundation Aid formula, particularly as school districts across the state prepare for the expiration of billions of dollars in federal pandemic relief funds later this year.

The formula calculates how much funding each school district receives and sends more dollars to higher-need districts. Lawmakers committed to fully funding it for the first time in 2021 — a decision applauded by education officials and advocates.

Hochul’s budget proposal introduced two controversial changes to Foundation Aid. The first would alter how the formula accounts for inflation, shifting to using a 10-year average rate in calculations instead of a single, recent year. It would also modify a “save harmless” provision that prevented districts that saw enrollment drops from losing money.

In total, the state’s education budget would increase by roughly $825 million under Hochul’s proposal, short of the $1.3 billion increase previously anticipated. Her proposal marked the start of negotiations with lawmakers over how the state should allocate its funding in the next fiscal year, which begins in April.

Much of Thursday’s hearing centered on how the Foundation Aid changes could impact districts across the state.

State Sen. Shelley Mayer, of Westchester, who chairs the Senate’s general education committee, noted the change to how the formula accounts for inflation meant the city’s schools would receive approximately $131 million less in funding.

State Education Commissioner Betty Rosa said the funding changes that compensate for enrollment losses could harm 337 school districts, including many in rural parts of the state.

“We do not support this decision,” she said. “It’s been so abrupt and the conversations have not taken place. Our position has been that in order to do this, we really should have a three- to five-year plan, where we have opportunities to get a new formula, where we have opportunities to look at the impact across the entire state.”

Rosa and the state’s Board of Regents have called for revisions to the formula, including the funding of a $1 million study on how the formula can be improved.

Concerns over Foundation Aid also surfaced at a Wednesday meeting of the city’s Panel for Educational Policy, a board that votes on major policy proposals and contracts.

“Everyone here should write to their state legislators and urge them to reject this change in the formula for Foundation Aid to ensure that not just NYC but every district in the state receives the Foundation Aid that they deserve,” said Lara Lai, a senior education policy and organizing manager from the office of city Comptroller Brad Lander.

But Hochul and her staff have defended the proposed changes.

“There has been a significant loss in population for certain school districts,” Hochul said last month. “For us to be wed to the same formulas based on population from 2008 without adjusting for either need or population increase or decrease — it doesn’t make sense.”

On Thursday, Budget Director Blake Washington argued the governor’s approach had “a sense of urgency.”

“Kicking the can for another three to five years is a very easy way to address this issue,” he said.

During the hearing, state Sen. Jabari Brisport, of Brooklyn, floated the idea of raising taxes on the wealthy in order to increase funding for the state’s schools — something Hochul previously told reporters she would not consider.

Other controversial topics addressed by lawmakers at the hearing included whether to continue the city’s mayoral control system and how the city’s schools were preparing to meet the state’s mandate to reduce class sizes.

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

Pennsylvania’s budget impasse ends, but ‘Level Up’ funding gets left behind

2023-12-14T17:28:42+00:00

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HARRISBURG — Pennsylvania’s budget impasse ended Wednesday after the divided state legislature agreed to send millions of dollars to community colleges and libraries, fund public legal defense, and create a student teacher stipend.

Three budget-enabling code bills, plus dozens of other pieces of legislation, passed with broad bipartisan support during a swirl of late-night votes and were sent to Gov. Josh Shapiro’s desk.

The flurry of action marked a sudden end to five-and-a-half months of deadlock that divided the Democratic-controlled state House and the Republican-controlled state Senate and ground the gears of government to a halt.

The budget bills create a handful of new programs, many of which had been prioritized by state House Democrats, including ones that would more than triple the size of Pennsylvania’s child care tax credit and add preventative dental care to the state’s Medicaid program.

“We are collectively showing that we can move past the partisan politics, have real conversations and get a lot done for the good people of Pennsylvania,” Shapiro, a Democrat, said Wednesday night shortly before signing the bills.

Negotiations over these parts of the budget broke down this summer after Shapiro agreed to veto $100 million for private school vouchers favored by Republicans in order to win support from state House Democrats for the main budget bill.

At the time, the Shapiro administration said it would hold off on spending about $1.1 billion until it received additional authorization from the legislature.

This week’s deal leaves out some high-profile programs lawmakers had initially agreed to in their summer agreement, which had been caught in the spending delay.

Most prominently, the popular Whole-Home Repairs Program — which provides grants to property owners who need to fund expensive maintenance projects like fixing leaky roofs — was not given the $50 million lawmakers agreed to spend earlier this year.

Other programs caught in the code bill delay — such as the stipends, indigent defense funding, and state allocations to community colleges and libraries — ultimately received funding, though the delay caused hardships. Some nonprofits that benefit from the PA Workwear program and provide clothing to Temporary Assistance for Needy Families recipients had to lay off staff while they waited for the code fight to resolve.

Wednesday’s deal marks the conclusion of months of talks, a resolution that lawmakers in both major parties celebrated.

State House Speaker Joanna McClinton (D., Philadelphia) said she is grateful the budget is finished and looks forward to the next one, “because the good news is we’re just getting started.”

The programs that didn’t make it into the final deal, like Whole-Home Repairs, were often casualties of last-minute horse-trading rather than concerted opposition.

Despite being swamped with demand since it was created last year using federal stimulus dollars, funding for Whole-Home Repairs will “lapse” until lawmakers return to the budget negotiating table next year, state Senate Majority Leader Joe Pittman (R., Indiana) told reporters Wednesday night.

It could make a comeback then. State Sen. David Argall (R., Schuylkill), who helped champion the proposal last year, said he supports the repair grants and is looking ahead to next year’s budget talks to restore funding.

“It just got lost in the shuffle with all of the other competing programs,” Argall told Spotlight PA.

The final deal also does not route $100 million in additional state aid to Pennsylvania’s poorest school districts, a program known as “Level Up.” Instead, the legislature reallocated those dollars to a state board to fund school construction projects. Another $75 million was allocated to remove lead, asbestos, and other toxins from schools.

State Rep. Pete Schweyer (D., Lehigh) said in a statement that the $175 million marks “the first time in nearly a decade” that “funding passed by the House will give school districts the necessary resources to make the building upgrades.”

Supporters of alternatives to public schools also got a win, as the final education code added $150 million to two related state tax credits for businesses that fund private school scholarships. But for the first time, schools will be required to report data on scholarship recipients’ grade level, disability status, and original public school district, among other data points.

Some of the new proposals that made it into the final code deal were unexpected.

One of the biggest changes, which emerged publicly late in lawmakers’ talks, was the expansion of the state tax credit created last year that allows parents to deduct child care costs from their state taxable income.

The current state credit is capped at 30% of the value of the federal credit, which means it can give caregivers a maximum of $315 annually for a single dependent under 13 or $630 for two or more children, depending on income level.

Under the new law, parents can receive a refundable tax credit equal to their federal child care deduction starting in 2024. That amount can be up to $1,050 for one dependent under 13 and $2,100 for two or more, depending on income.

Child care costs vary by location and the child’s age, but according to federal Department of Labor data, amounts can range from $6,000 to $14,000 a year for Pennsylvania families.

The deal also restarts dental care for hundreds of thousands of Pennsylvanians receiving medical assistance. These benefits had been stripped down to only medically necessary care for adults, such as exams, X-rays, and tooth extractions, but usually excluded other surgeries like root canals.

“As the saying goes, when you smile, the whole world smiles back at you,” state Rep. Valerie Gaydos (R., Allegheny) said on the state House floor Tuesday, when the chamber passed a standalone proposal to reintroduce dental care.

The deal also increases a surcharge on phone bills to pay for 911 dispatching infrastructure. The fee will increase by 30 cents in 2024 to $1.95 before it disappears in 2026.

The County Commissioners Association of Pennsylvania called the increase “far short of properly funding” the service.

One last budget item remains unfinished. A bill that would give $31.6 million to the University of Pennsylvania’s veterinary school, the commonwealth’s only such school, fell 12 votes short of the two-thirds vote needed to approve the allocation.

The bill was sunk by GOP opposition, which state House Minority Leader Bryan Cutler (R., Lancaster) attributed to the school’s recent controversy. The university’s former president, Liz Magill, resigned after testifying before Congress regarding antisemitism on college campuses. Members of Congress and alumni called for Magill’s resignation after she defended allowing genocidal language on campus, saying that such language was allowed as free speech.

“Our institutions of higher education have become an unfortunate home for hate,” Cutler said.

Other unfinished business may have to wait until next year.

For instance, the final package did not contain a boost to state public transit funding through a sales tax transfer, a measure backed by both Democrats and Republicans. SEPTA had pushed for such a measure throughout the fall to avoid reducing service, citing dwindling federal stimulus dollars and low ridership.

“We have the ability to keep advocating for this transit system,” state Rep. Morgan Cephas (D., Philadelphia) and chair of the city’s delegation told Spotlight PA. “And that’s something that we’ll be focusing on in the next fiscal cycle.”

Spotlight PA’s Kate Huangpu contributed reporting.

Correction: This story has been updated to reflect that Pennsylvania’s current child care tax credit is worth 30% of the federal credit, and that the just-passed budget code will increase its value to match 100% of that federal credit, for a maximum value of $2,100 annually.

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Educators railed against mayoral control at hearings. What comes next?

2024-01-30T23:26:05+00:00

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As the state’s Education Department studies the effectiveness of New York City’s 20-year-old system of mayoral control, locals aired their views at five hearings held across the boroughs over the past two months.

Over the hours of testimony, a clear theme emerged: Most of the educators, parents, and other community members wanted to see it revised or overturned.

Many voiced grievances against the educational policies of Mayor Eric Adams and his predecessors, arguing the current system places too much power in the hands of the mayor and diminishes the voice of local communities. Meanwhile, defenders of the system, like schools Chancellor David Banks, contended that centralizing decision-making allows for a more effective and accountable system than the fractured school board approach that the city once relied on.

Mayoral control is set to expire on June 30, and the speakers hope their words might influence lawmakers who will soon determine who gets control over city schools. Some observers remain skeptical about whether the hearings will sway negotiations over the city’s school governance structure — particularly as Gov. Kathy Hochul has already called for a four-year extension of the current system.

Troy McGhie, a teacher at Curtis High School in Staten Island, called for further limitations on the mayor’s power over schools during a Monday night hearing in Staten Island. He cited Adams’ recent education budget cuts and his pushback on the state’s mandate to reduce class sizes in New York City schools.

“It’s become quite evident over the years that mayoral control — the way that it is now — is out of control,” McGhie said.

But though dissatisfaction with the current system has been consistent across the hearings, speakers have voiced a range of opinions on how state lawmakers should alter it.

“There’s lots of folks who don’t like some aspects of the current system,” said Jeffrey Henig, a professor of political science and education at Columbia University’s Teachers College. “But there’s way less consensus about what the alternative should be.”

Future of mayoral control remains unclear

Adams questioned whether the testimony was representative while speaking to reporters on Tuesday.

“I’m not a mathematical genius, but having five testimonies or hearings and at most you got 500 people, that’s not a reflection of our school system,” he said. “We have a public school-reared chancellor, public school-reared mayor. We have transformed the school system in what we are doing, and I think we need to continue the success.”

The current school governance system — and critiques of it — predate Adams by decades. Driven by feelings of dissatisfaction with elected school boards in the 1990s, the push to establish mayoral control took hold in a handful of major cities across the country, including New York and Chicago.

In New York City, the system began under former Mayor Michael Bloomberg in 2002, and has been regularly extended in the years since. In Chicago, where mayoral control of schools was established in 1995, the city will transition to a fully elected school board by 2027.

But even with years to look back upon, it can be difficult to determine the impact of the school governance structure.

“That’s been very difficult to decipher empirically,” Henig said. “Partly because of the variation in forms it takes, partly because it’s been hard to separate mayoral control from the particular individuals who had mayoral control.”

There are an enormous number of factors influencing how students perform in school, said Sandra Vergari, a professor of education policy at the University at Albany.

“I would question anybody who claims mayoral control doesn’t work, or traditional school boards don’t work,” she said. “How do you isolate governance as being the thing that really explains student achievement?”

The governance system has largely relied on the mayor’s power to choose a schools chancellor and appoint a majority of members to the city’s Panel for Educational Policy, or PEP, a city board that votes on major policy proposals and contracts.

Over time, tweaks to the system have lessened the mayor’s degree of control. When lawmakers extended it in 2022, for example, they adjusted the system so that PEP members could no longer be removed for voting against their appointer’s wishes, making it harder to remove a panelist for opposing proposals from City Hall. At the same time, the board also expanded from 15 to 23 members, with the mayor appointing 13 of them and retaining the majority.

Calling for deeper changes in school governance

A number of the speakers at the recent public hearings have called for adjusting the PEP’s makeup so the mayor no longer appoints a majority of its members — alleging the panel has served as a “rubber stamp” for the mayor and schools chancellor.

Having a system where a board has “an oppositional mindset to the chancellor,” however, might not be most effective, said David Bloomfield, a professor of education, law, and public policy at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center.

“There will always be a substantial number of opponents to controversial decisions,” he said. “You do want an effective and broadly representational decision-making process, but how that plays out in terms of the decisions themselves is, I think, wholly based on individual circumstances and not predictable through the governance system.”

Bloomfield has instead advocated for the City Council to take on an oversight role in the city’s school governance system.

Some have called for a longer term approach to changing the city’s school governance structure. The Education Council Consortium, a grassroots group of parents, advocates, and other community members, has urged the state to form a commission made up of parents, students, educators, researchers, and advocates to develop recommendations for a new system.

“It’s a very complicated system, and those who have been involved in this work for a long time know that sometimes changes are made, and there are unintended consequences,” said Jonathan Greenberg, a parent leader who serves on the group’s board. “It’s really important to get a wide swath of people in the room over time to see what we can do to balance out the various needs that different stakeholders have, and learn from the mistakes of the past.

“But the one guiding principle for us is this idea of a more democratic system,” he added.

A school governance overhaul may be unlikely, some observers say

Though Monday marked the conclusion of the public hearings, it will still be some time before the state’s findings are released. The state Education Department’s forthcoming report is expected to be finished in March — and in the meantime, some lawmakers have stressed deliberations should wait until after the release of the report.

State Sen. John Liu, a Queens Democrat who chairs the senate’s New York City education committee, said the study would examine 20 years of mayoral control in the city, as well as the experiences of other school systems that have reversed course.

“I heard a tremendous amount of opinion and insight from a wide range of stakeholders about how to improve our system of school governance at the public hearings, and look forward to receiving SED’s final report in the Spring,” he said in a statement.

Some observers remain skeptical that lawmakers will implement sweeping changes.

Bloomfield said he expects mayoral control to persist largely as it exists now, with potential tweaks to lessen the mayor’s degree of control.

“I don’t see the appetite in the legislature for any massive change in school governance,” Bloomfield said. “Certainly nothing that the governor says shows that she wants any large change.”

Regardless of which governance structure the city adopts moving forward, Henig noted a longer-term system could benefit the city’s schools.

“No matter how you feel about the existing structure or its earlier iterations in New York, the fact that the rules of the game are constantly up in the air and awaiting what the legislature is going to do this time,” he said, “I think there’s a cost to that kind of uncertainty.”

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

Moms for Liberty came to the Upper East Side. Protesters may have outnumbered guests.

2024-01-19T04:14:35+00:00

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Protesters may have outnumbered participants in Moms for Liberty’s Thursday night town hall on the Upper East Side.

The right-wing organization’s event, which according to organizers was sold out, attracted ire from politicians and parent activists across the city. As about 100 people rallied outside toting signs reading “Mom against fascism,” “Queer people have kids too,” and “Read banned books,” many of the speakers on the panel rehashed national issues like the influence of teachers unions, the teaching of anti-racism and “gender ideology,” and school choice.

Several speakers stood before the crowd of about 75 people and took digs at New York City’s class size mandate, its cap on charter schools, and its high spending and low rates of reading proficiency.

Moms for Liberty bills itself as a “parents rights” group. It was founded in Florida in 2021 and quickly made national headlines for its calls to restrict access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth and block LGBTQ-focused books and curriculum, as well as limit lessons about race.

The organization has swiftly made inroads across the country, raising $2.1 million in 2022 from the conservative Heritage Foundation and Republican donors, after raising just $370,000 the year before, according to the Associated Press. The organization has become influential in GOP politics and recently started a chapter in Queens.

It was named an “extremist” group by the Southern Poverty Law Center for its divisive tactics and efforts to undermine public education.

The question-and-answer session after the panel turned fiery. Several parents and teachers challenged the panelists on culturally responsive education, their views on transgender children, and what specific curriculum proposals they recommended to boost reading scores.

Moms for Liberty event attracts familiar education names

Moms for Liberty’s town hall in a staunchly blue pocket of the city caused a stir. But for close watchers of local education politics, many of the panelists were likely familiar.

They included Maud Maron, who sits on the Community Education Council, or CEC, for Manhattan’s District 2, and has been sparring for years with other parents.

CECs are largely advisory parent-led boards that approve or reject school zoning proposals and issue resolutions about such topics as admissions and curriculum.

Maron is a co-founder of the group PLACE (Parents Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Learning), which has organized in support of selective admissions at a time when integration advocates had been gaining traction in their efforts to desegregate many schools.

Maron, who recently said in a private chat that transgender children don’t exist, faced a barrage of criticism Wednesday night at the District 2 CEC meeting for her participation in the Thursday panel.

She doubled down on her decision Thursday night, accusing her critics of being “illiberal” and shying away from arguments. She singled out one young woman who recently challenged her stance on transgender children.

“She identified herself as a proud queer woman,” Maron recalled. “Which I think means she’s a straight girl without a boyfriend.” A parent at Thursday’s event subsequently challenged Maron on the comment, calling it “unnecessary and spiteful.”

Charles Love, another District 2 CEC member who spoke on Thursday’s panel, said he hasn’t yet found any evidence that Moms For Liberty is racist or homophobic.

The flier promoting the event listed Maron’s affiliation with the education council, along with Love’s. The city’s conflict of interest rules say council members may only use their titles along with a written disclaimer on materials and a verbal disclaimer that they are speaking in their personal capacity.

Education Department officials said before the event they would follow up with CEC members to remind them of this rule. Love acknowledged he’d been warned and said he agreed not to use his title, but neither he nor Maron offered an actual disclaimer.

Other panelists included Wai Wah Chin, the head of an Asian American parent advocacy group, Natalya Murakhver, an advocate against closing schools during the pandemic, and Mona Davids, who leads a group pushing for more school safety agents and metal detectors.

Some opponents expressed concern that the group was starting to exert influence in city education circles. Abby Stein, a rabbi and transgender advocate, raised the group’s use of a Hitler quote in a newsletter in Indiana. “When you put a quote of Hitler on your newsletter and you’re trying to make your way into New York City, on to education councils, I am terrified,” she said. (The group later apologized for quoting Hitler.)

The conversation did at times center on city-specific issues. When Chin criticized the class size cap, which she said would force the city to hire more teachers of lower quality, several audience members piped up that they were former teachers fired because of the city’s COVID vaccine mandate.

Tiffany Justice, the co-founder of Moms for Liberty and the moderator of the town hall, said she didn’t think education in the city’s public schools could get “much worse.”

Moms for Liberty co-founder Tiffany Justice opens up the organization's town hall on the Upper East Side on Thursday.

Still, speakers offered few specific prescriptions. One parent asked after the panel what precise curriculum suggestions the panelists had. Maron criticized the city’s long-time reliance on a Teachers College reading curriculum that has largely been discredited. The city is already midway through a two-year effort to move away from that curriculum.

It’s unclear how large Moms for Liberty’s presence actually is in New York City, and event organizers didn’t give specifics about expansion plans.

Several elected officials spoke out before the event, including Manhattan Borough President Mark Levine, who called the group a “bunch of hypocrites.”

“You don’t believe in liberty if you ban books,” he said. “If you attack trans kids and the parents of trans kids, that’s not liberty. That’s fascism.”

Jo Macellaro, a trans teacher in a Bronx District 75 program serving students with disabilities, was holding a sign that read: “I’m the trans teacher you’re scared of.”

Macellaro, who uses they/them pronouns, said they were called a “groomer” several times Thursday night. They felt it was important to speak out as Moms for Liberty has made inroads in Queens.

“I think we need to make it very loud and clear they are not welcome here,” Macellaro said.

“[Kids] can see what’s going on. If they can see these people are coming here and spewing their hatred, what message does that send?”

(A Moms for Liberty supporter wearing a “Protect Our Children” sweatshirt did yell at the group’s opponents, “You’re absolutely disgusting, you’re grooming our children.”)

Some protesters tried to convince the event’s venue, the Bohemian Benevolent and Literary Association, to cancel ahead of time, but the nonprofit concluded it couldn’t do so.

“We are a completely apolitical organization concentrating on cultural performances, and – this particular group clearly does not fit our strong non-political stance,” Joseph Balaz, the organization’s president, wrote in a lengthy statement online explaining his rationale.

He said he planned to personally match the rental fee for the event and donate it to “one of our organizations which actively supports young, future leaders.”

Michael Elsen-Rooney is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Michael at melsen-rooney@chalkbeat.org.

Amy Zimmer is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat New York. Contact Amy at azimmer@chalkbeat.org.

New Jersey Children’s Foundation commissions legal memo, recommends seating Thomas Luna to school board

2024-01-18T11:00:00+00:00

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A new legal memo commissioned by the New Jersey Children’s Foundation concludes that there is no legal basis for the delay in seating a charter school teacher to Newark’s school board nearly three months after he was chosen to fill a seat.

The six-page memo, sent to the Newark Board of Education last Thursday, is a review and analysis of the unanimous vote in October for Thomas Luna to fill a vacancy and details the “current legal precedent” of his delay in being sworn onto the board. It outlines seven findings and concludes that “not seating Mr. Luna would violate the board’s legal authority and Board policy.”

The memo, drafted by William F. Koy, a partner at the Morristown-based William Koy law firm and former Mountain Lakes superintendent of schools, is meant to address questions Newark school board members may have about seating board members, said Barbara Martinez, executive director of the Children’s Foundation, a charter school-aligned nonprofit advocating for the improvement of public education systems. The memo does not signal a lawsuit against the district, Martinez added.

“We hope that this assists the Board in fulfilling their duties to fill open board seats,” Martinez said.

Since Luna was unanimously chosen to fill the vacancy, neither district officials nor board members have spelled out the reasons for not seating him. The only indication of why he has not assumed the seat came during November’s school board meeting when Board President Hasani Council attributed the delay to information the board received from a public records request and a review of School Ethics Commission opinions regarding conflicts of interest for board members.

Luna, who has twice run for the school board, said that he had not heard from the board or district about his role since the December school board meeting, when a motion to swear him in failed by a 4-2 vote, with two abstentions.

“I have yet to be placed on the agenda to be sworn in,” Luna added last week. “It is unclear, to myself or any member of the public, what exactly is warranting the lack of due process. What is clear is that this situation is incongruent with precedence, process, and protocol.”

The vacancy slated for Luna was left by former president Asia Norton and has been unfilled since Sept. 18, 2023, when Norton announced her resignation two weeks after the start of the school year. Council was sworn in as president shortly after her departure.

The new memo comes as district spokesperson Nancy Deering said last week that there are two vacancies on the school board, including the seat slated for Luna and an opening created when former member A’Dorian Murray-Thomas won a seat on the Essex County Board of Commissioners in November. There are no plans to swear in Luna at school board meetings in January, Deering added.

She did not respond to a request for comment about the legal memo sent to the board last week.

Memo provides ‘legal background’ for seating members

Koy’s analysis cites legal precedent that Luna should have been sworn in November, a month after board members unanimously voted for him to fill a vacancy. It further says that neither state law nor board policies allow the board “to refuse to seat a person appointed by a majority vote.”

It also addresses ethical issues concerning board members and conflicts of interest.

Under state law, the School Ethics Commission has the sole jurisdiction to investigate ethics complaints against school board members in New Jersey. If the Newark board believes Luna’s employment with a KIPP charter school could violate the School Ethics Act, they should seek an advisory opinion from the commission or file a complaint with them after seating Luna, according to the memo.

Additionally, the memo found that the commission “would not penalize” the Newark board or any actions it takes with Luna as a sitting board member. It would only do so if a board member “participated in the voting or deliberation” of a specific action they would benefit personally from, according to the memo.

The state’s School Ethics Commission has not received any complaints against Luna, said Mike Yaple, spokesperson for the New Jersey Department of Education in an email to Chalkbeat Newark in December. He added that ethics complaints can only be filed against sitting board members or school members.

“If the person has not been sworn into the board of education the School Ethics Commission would not have jurisdiction until such time the individual is considered a board member,” Yaple wrote.

Koy’s memo also compared past cases where the commission determined that board members cannot serve in two roles without a conflict of interest but only in certain circumstances, such as when the board member holds a dual leadership role, or when the member’s regular employment requires them to answer to district administrators. Luna does not serve in a leadership role at KIPP Rise Academy but he is an employee of the school.

“Although he perhaps should recuse himself from certain issues, such as labor negotiations or certain decisions regarding charter schools, he is not disqualified from board membership,” the memo reads.

Koy, in his legal memo, also pointed to school board members who have previously served and had ties to the KIPP charter school network.

Former board member Rashied McCreary was also a teacher at KIPP Rise Academy when he was elected to the board in 2012. Norton, who was first elected in 2018, was a kindergarten teacher at KIPP Life Academy charter school when she ran for a seat on the school board. She left that position in June 2018 according to her LinkedIn profile. In 2021, Murray-Thomas’s appointment to the board of directors of the KIPP Foundation, a nonprofit that assists KIPP charter schools through training and fundraising, sparked ethics questions.

“We are aware of no prior concerns expressed by the Board concerning these former members’ employment with local charter schools,” the memo read.

School board members argue for Luna’s seat on the board

Board members have also expressed confusion by the delay in seating Luna and raised questions after the motion to swear him in, introduced by member Allison James-Frison, was shot down during the December school board meeting.

“It’s crazy because he was unanimously voted in as a board member in October so how do we not want to swear him in? This is the reason why we were under state control because we did not know how to operate and function,” said board member Crystal Williams, who voted in favor of swearing Luna in December.

Former member Murray-Thomas, whose last meeting was in December and abstained from voting for the motion to swear in Luna, said it would be “a distinguished honor” to have him and would be “disappointed as a voter in this city if he’s not on the board within the next couple of days, weeks.” She added that current members had not been briefed about the delay of his swearing-in.

“Personally, I think that we should have some kind of executive session for us to be informed on the full nature of it,” Murray-Thomas added.

The board is currently accepting applications to fill Murray-Thomas’s vacant seat until Jan. 18, according to Deering, when asked about the district’s post on Facebook. Deering, the district’s spokesperson, said “interested and qualified candidates should apply” and interviews are tentatively scheduled to happen during the February board meeting. Under New Jersey law, the board has 65 days to fill a vacancy.

This year’s school board race will be held on April 16 where the city’s 16- and 17-year-olds will be allowed to vote for the first time in history. Residents interested in running for a seat on the school board must submit their applications to the Newark Board of Education by Feb. 26

The voter registration deadline for the election is March 26.

Jessie Gómez is a reporter for Chalkbeat Newark, covering public education in the city. Contact Jessie at jgomez@chalkbeat.org.

Hochul proposes more than $800 million funding increase for NY schools, 4-year extension of mayoral control

2024-01-16T19:03:49+00:00

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Gov. Kathy Hochul has proposed a more than $800 million increase in funding for the state’s public schools, while also calling for a four-year extension of New York City’s polarizing mayoral control system.

The proposals came Tuesday as Hochul presented her $233 billion 2025 state budget, building on the hundreds of policy initiatives announced last week in her State of the State address. Her budget proposal also set aside $10 million for teacher training to support a statewide literacy initiative that Hochul hopes will encourage schools to adopt new curriculums.

The governor’s call to extend New York City’s centralized school governance structure is in some ways unsurprising. She advocated for the same extension in 2022, though lawmakers eventually approved only a two-year extension and tasked the state’s Education Department with compiling a report on how effective the system has been.

But her support for mayoral control comes just months before the release of that report, and follows a series of public hearings in New York City where the status quo has been hotly contested. Scores of educators have flocked to the hearings to call for the system to be revised or overturned, citing grievances with the educational policies of Mayor Eric Adams and his predecessors.

Outside of the education budget, Hochul’s proposal also called for $2.4 billion to provide shelter and other basic services to migrants and asylum seekers — including providing humanitarian aid to New York City. That funding would draw $500 million from the state’s reserves, Hochul said. She also proposed millions to support mental health programs and services.

Hochul’s budget proposal marks the start of negotiations with lawmakers over how the state should allocate its funding in the next fiscal year, which begins in April. During a press conference after her budget presentation, Hochul affirmed to reporters that she would not consider raising income taxes to increase spending on schools or other issues, regardless of what lawmakers propose.

Here are the education highlights from Hochul’s budget presentation:

Increase to school aid, though smaller than previous years

Hochul wants to spend $825 million more on the state’s schools — a 2.4% funding jump from last year’s budget. That increase would bring the state’s total education tab to more than $35.3 billion — the highest level of state aid in history.

New York City would receive $13.3 billion under the proposal — a funding increase of roughly $341 million, or about 2.5%, according to figures released by the state.

The bulk of the spending jump comes from a proposed $507 million increase to Foundation Aid, the state formula that calculates how much funding each school district receives and sends more dollars to higher-need districts. Lawmakers committed to fully funding the formula for the first time in 2021, with districts seeing the additional funding phased in over three years.

The proposed increase to Foundation Aid was driven largely by inflation, but came as a smaller jump than previously anticipated.

Hochul’s budget proposal included two changes to Foundation Aid, according to the state’s budget director, Blake Washington. The first would alter how the formula accounts for inflation, shifting to using a 10-year average rate in calculations. It would also modify a provision that prevented districts who saw enrollment drops from losing money.

“Seventy-five percent of the districts that would experience a change under this recommendation have lost more than 20% of their pupil count since the Foundation Aid formula was adopted,” Washington said.

Hochul’s Tuesday proposal represented a more modest increase in school funding than in recent budgets — and less than the $1.3 billion increase that the state’s Board of Regents called for last month. Last year, for example, the state budget increased school aid by $3 billion.

“As much as we may want to, we are not going to be able to replicate the massive increases of the past two years,” Hochul said in her budget presentation. “No one could have expected the extraordinary jumps in aid to recur annually.”

An additional $20 billion had been funneled to schools over the course of the pandemic between federal and state aid, Hochul said, noting that K-12 enrollment had declined over the past decade.

In a statement, Alliance for Quality Education, a school funding advocacy group, questioned the governor’s decision to change the Foundation Aid formula, noting the budget proposal contained $475 million less in school aid than previously anticipated.

“We agree there needs to be an update to the Foundation Aid formula, but it must be a process involving the State Education Department and engaging communities, with the goal of more accurately capturing students’ growing needs, not as a penny-pinching budgeting strategy,” said Marina Marcou-O’Malley, the group’s interim co-executive director. “What now remains to be seen is which districts the nearly half a billion dollars that we expected to see in the Governor’s proposal for schools were taken from.”

Hochul’s proposal also comes as the city’s schools and districts across the state face the end of billions of dollars in one-time federal COVID relief funds, which are set to dry up in September.

Kim Sweet, executive director of Advocates for Children of New York, urged the state to commit further funding to support school districts that have relied on those funds to prop up essential programs.

“New York City alone is spending around $1 billion per year in expiring federal funding to pay for 450 school social workers, 3-K expansion, legally mandated preschool special education programs, 75 shelter-based community coordinators, community schools, 60 psychologists, bilingual programming, literacy initiatives, and more,” she said in a statement. “While we appreciate that the Governor is proposing to increase overall education funding, this moment in time demands more.”

Call to extend mayoral control

With the current New York City school governance structure set to expire on June 30, Adams will return to Albany this legislative session to make his case for retaining control of the city’s schools. With Hochul’s budget proposal Tuesday, it appears the governor remains the mayor’s ally in that effort.

Her budget called for a four-year extension of the current school governance structure, which gives the mayor the power to select the schools chancellor and appoint a majority of members to the city’s Panel on Educational Policy, or PEP, which votes on major policy proposals and contracts.

But that system has faced heavy critique at public hearings held by state education officials across four boroughs in recent months. Speakers who have called for the current system to be amended have repeatedly asked for further checks and balances to be placed on the mayor’s power, particularly when it comes to the PEP.

At a hearing in the Bronx last month, Naveed Hasan, one of five PEP members elected by the city’s parent councils, alleged his own role on the panel was “a farce.”

“The majority of the members on the PEP are appointed by the mayor and never act independently, always approving whatever City Hall finds politically expedient,” said Hasan, who represents Manhattan. “My role on the PEP is rendered meaningless under a rubber-stamp panel under mayoral control.”

Meanwhile, defenders of the current system — like schools Chancellor David Banks — have argued it creates accountability by centralizing decisions. They say it represents an improvement over the previous system, which relied on a fractured and sometimes corrupt collection of school boards across the city.

If enacted, the proposed four-year extension would represent the longest one-time extension of mayoral control since former Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s time in office. Though the system has been renewed regularly (with some tweaks) over the past two decades, former Mayor Bill de Blasio repeatedly failed to secure the lengthy extension deals that had been given to his predecessor. (Bloomberg received extensions of six and seven years.)

In a statement Tuesday, state Sen. John Liu, a Queens Democrat who chairs the Senate’s New York City education committee, criticized the governor’s decision to weigh in on mayoral control in her budget proposal.

“School governance and whether mayoral control should be continued or replaced by a more effective system must be informed by the [state Education Department] study,” he said. “It’s simply premature and senseless to lump mayoral control in with the state budget.”

Regardless of how the city’s school governance structure moves forward, Liu previously told Chalkbeat that lawmakers should seek to establish a more permanent system this year.

Reevaluating it at two- or four-year intervals is “destabilizing for the school system,” he said, adding, “There needs to be more certainty in the eyes of educators as well as families.”

Higher education, swimming instruction, and other initiatives

Hochul’s budget proposal also earmarked millions of dollars to support several policy initiatives that would impact the state’s young people.

It provides more than $200 million in new, recurring funding for state- and city-operated college campuses, commits $150 million to creating equitable opportunities for swimming instruction, and invests millions of additional dollars across multiple mental health initiatives.

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

2024 Colorado General Assembly: The people’s guide to following education issues

2024-01-13T00:16:33+00:00

Every January, 100 men and women elected to the Colorado General Assembly gather in Denver for 120 days and make decisions that affect students and teachers in the classroom, university administrators trying to balance their budgets, and parents and students having to make tuition payments.

Legislators only have to pass two bills before they adjourn in May: a balanced budget and the school finance act. Both have profound implications for educational opportunity.

They also tackle many more education issues, from student discipline to teacher shortages, from standardized tests to career training.

But it can be hard for ordinary citizens to understand how ideas turn into laws.

To explain the lawmaking process and the opportunities for public input, we’ve prepared this guide to the legislative session.

Here’s how you can get involved:

How a bill becomes a law

Think Schoolhouse Rock’s “I’m Just a Bill.”

Legislators get ideas for bills from a lot of places. A legislator might have a passion for a particular topic. The governor’s office or state department leaders might request a policy change. An interest group or concerned parents might ask a lawmaker to help solve a problem.

Lawmakers work with bill drafters — nonpartisan legislative staff — to write a bill. Once a lawmaker introduces it, leaders in either the House or the Senate assign it to a committee, usually one with relevant expertise.

Most education bills go to the education committee, but a bill on youth mental health might land first in the health committee or one on police in schools might be heard by the judiciary committee.

A few committees — most infamously the State Affairs committees — are known as “kill” committees, where leadership can send controversial bills, especially those from the opposing parties, to ensure they don’t reach the floor.

A bill must win committee approval to proceed to the full House or Senate. Some bills might need to go through more than one committee.

Bills must get approved twice in the first chamber, before heading to the next chamber and doing it all over again. Bills can be amended at any point in the process, and both chambers must sign off on the same final form of a bill.

Then the governor must sign it into law.

Who has a vote on the Colorado education committees

The House Education Committee has 11 members, seven Democrats and four Republicans. Find the committee schedule, documents, and live and archived audio at the committee website. Members are:

Chair Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat
Vice Chair Rep. Matthew Martinez, a Monte Vista Democrat
Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat
Rep. Mary Bradfield, ranking member, a Colorado Springs Republican
Rep. Eliza Hamrick, a Centennial Democrat
Rep. Anthony Hartsook, a Parker Republican
Rep. Meghan Lukens, a Steamboat Springs Democrat
Rep. Dafna Michaelson Jenet, a Commerce City Democrat
Rep. Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican and assistant minority leader
Rep. Don Wilson, a Monument Republican
Rep. Mary Young, a Greeley Democrat

The Senate Education Committee has seven members, four Democrats and three Republicans. Find the committee schedule, documents, and live and archived audio at the committee website.

Chair Sen. Janet Buckner, a Denver Democrat
Vice Chair Sen. Janice Marchman, a Loveland Democrat
Sen. Rhonda Fields, an Aurora Democrat
Sen. Chris Kolker, a Centennial Democrat
Sen. Paul Lundeen, ranking member, a Monument Republican
Sen. Mark Baisley, a Woodland Park Republican
Sen. Janice Rich, a Grand Junction Republican

Find the names and contact information of all current Colorado lawmakers here. And find maps of current legislative districts here.

Can you speak on a bill or submit testimony?

If you’re interested in having your perspective heard, there are a few ways to get involved.

You can speak on the bill in person or remotely, or submit a written statement to the committee. The sign-up process is not difficult. Just fill out this online form.

Speakers are generally limited to two to three minutes, so think about how to make your point quickly and clearly.

Want to know the schedule?

The full schedule of the House and Representatives can typically be found on the Colorado General Assembly’s landing page.

The session schedule should be posted daily and gets updated as bills move through the process.

Here’s how to look up Colorado General Assembly bills

You can go to the Colorado General Assembly’s bill search page. There you can search by a bill number, the sponsor, or a topic.

When you click on a bill, you’ll see information such as a summary of what the bill does, the full text of the bill, and other relevant information, such as a fiscal note that explains how much passing the law would cost the state. Often the description of a bill in the fiscal note is easier to understand than the bill language itself.

You can also search through tabs near the bottom of the page that include the bill’s history, when it’s scheduled to be heard again, any amendments, and a summary of the committee votes.

What’s the Joint Budget Committee and why is it so important?

The six-member Joint Budget Committee is the most influential committee in the Colorado General Assembly. Why? Because it writes the budget that guides the state’s priorities. The committee members this year are four Democrats and two Republicans. The chair is state Rep. Shannon Bird, a Westminster Democrat.

Yes, Gov. Jared Polis does submit a budget every November. And those priorities guide the Joint Budget Committee’s work. But the committee ultimately writes the budget that gets submitted to the Colorado General Assembly for approval.

Other lawmakers also have a chance to submit budget amendments that reflect their own spending priorities — but lawmakers need to pass a balanced budget and the Joint Budget Committee will strip out amendments that endanger that goal.

The budget shapes every facet of state government, including K-12 and higher education spending.

Learn more about the budget process here.

Need a refresher on what happened last year? We rounded up the most important education issues of the 2023 session.

Want to know more about how lobbying affects the legislative process? Check out our deep dive on education lobbying from 2022 in collaboration with data reporter Sandra Fish.

Have questions? We’re listening at co.tips@chalkbeat.org.

Watch Chalkbeat Colorado’s 2024 Legislative Preview

Watch Chalkbeat Colorado’s annual discussion of key education topics likely to surface during the upcoming legislative session.

We were joined by:

Sen. Janet Buckner, an Aurora Democrat and chair of the Senate Education Committee
Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and vice chair of Joint Budget Committee
Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat and House Assistant Majority Leader
Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat and chair of the House Education Committee
Rep. Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican and House Assistant Minority Leader

A special thanks to our event sponsor, the Colorado Education Association. And thank you to our event partners, Young Invincibles and the Morgridge College of Education at the University of Denver.

Jason Gonzales is a reporter covering higher education and the Colorado legislature. Chalkbeat Colorado partners with Open Campus on higher education coverage. Contact Jason at jgonzales@chalkbeat.org.

Tennessee senators’ report highlights risks of rejecting federal education funding

2024-01-09T21:28:53+00:00

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Senate members of a joint legislative panel that looked into whether Tennessee should reject more than $1 billion in federal education funding released their own report Tuesday, citing disagreements with House colleagues.

The 12-page report said Tennessee could not make new investments toward other needs if it opts out of federal education funding and tries to fill the gap with state revenues.

The report also noted numerous other avenues for Tennessee to pursue to resolve conflicts between federal and state interests, and it brought up uncertainties created by taking the unprecedented step of saying no to U.S. money.

“Many federal requirements could still apply to Tennessee schools even if the state rejected federal K-12 dollars, creating questions that would likely be resolved in court,” the report said.

In essence, the senators’ report laid out why no state has ever taken the step of rejecting federal funding for its students and schools, even though several such as Oklahoma and Utah have considered it.

The U.S. contribution, for which Tennessee citizens pay taxes, makes up about a tenth of the state’s budget for education — about the same as with other states. Most federal money supports low-income students, English language learners, and students with disabilities.

Sen. Jon Lundberg, the Bristol Republican who co-chaired the 10-member panel, called the report “preliminary” as he and four other senators submitted the document to Lt. Gov. Randy McNally and House Speaker Cameron Sexton.

“At this time, the House and Senate have not agreed to mutual recommendations,” they wrote in an accompanying letter.

Rep. Debra Moody, the Covington Republican who co-chaired the panel with Lundberg, did not immediately respond when asked whether the House members would submit their own report or comment on any disagreements.

Rep. Debra Moody and Sen. Jon Lundberg, both Republicans, co-chaired the joint legislative panel that conducted hearings in November.

But Sexton, who floated the idea nearly a year ago for Tennessee to look into the possibilities, said through an aide that a separate House report is coming.

“The House agreed with [the] Senate’s options for consideration. However, the Senate would not agree with the House’s actionable recommendations moving forward,” said a statement from Sexton’s office.

The Crossville Republican, who is a likely candidate for governor in 2026, had complained about testing requirements and other federal strings attached to acceptance of federal dollars, but has yet to provide a list of the other strings he finds objectionable.

Education advocates have suggested that objections from Sexton and the legislature’s GOP supermajority are related to current “culture wars” about curriculum and the rights of transgender students to use school bathrooms or join sports teams consistent with their gender identity, which may not correspond with their sex assigned at birth.

A year ago, Sexton said Tennessee could tap into $3.2 billion in new recurring state revenues, which would more than cover any lost federal funds for education. But those numbers were based on budget information at that time. State revenues have since flattened.

“Tennessee likely has room in the budget to reject and replace recurring federal funding in K-12 education, but at the expense of other potential investments,” the report said.

The senators also noted that the amount of federal money that Tennessee receives totals more than any of the recurring increases for education over the last decade. It’s also larger than the budgets of all but just a few state agencies, such as TennCare, transportation, education, and corrections.

Lundberg released the report just as the General Assembly reconvened its 2024 session, meeting a Jan. 9 deadline set by Sexton and McNally when they appointed the joint panel in September.

RELATED: Key education issues to watch as Tennessee lawmakers return

He told Chalkbeat later Tuesday that he stands by the report and refused to make changes requested by Sexton’s office.

“We determined it was best to release a Senate report that was solid, based on the testimony we heard and the information we were given,” said Lundberg, who declined to detail the points of contention.

Lundberg, who also chairs the Senate Education Committee, praised the work of the joint legislative panel for clearly identifying the state’s funding sources for education and their related mandates.

“Frankly there are fewer federal strings than I anticipated,” he said.

During four days of testimony in November, the panel heard mostly fact-finding presentations from established nonpartisan researchers, school district leaders, and state officials.

On the fifth day, at the request of House members, the group also heard from representatives of two conservative groups who urged the state to pursue forgoing federal funding. None of the Senate members were present for that final testimony. They said scheduling conflicts prevented them from attending.

The legislative panel declined to hear from Tennessee parents or advocacy groups about how federally funded education programs are run or affect their children.

Last week, several legislative leaders told Chalkbeat they did not expect any new legislation this year out of last year’s hearings.

Below, you can read the full Senate report, with the accompanying letter.

This story has been updated from a previous version.

Marta Aldrich is a senior correspondent and covers the statehouse for Chalkbeat Tennessee. Contact her at maldrich@chalkbeat.org

How many out-of-school, out-of-work youth did Chicago reengage last school year?

2024-01-10T11:00:00+00:00

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About 1 in 5 of roughly 2,300 out-of-school, out-of-work youth contacted to participate in a new reengagement program in Chicago took part during the first year, according to a new policy brief from the University of Chicago Crime Lab.

In Chicago, roughly 45,000 teens and young adults are disconnected from school and work. With $18 million from the state, the city launched Back to Our Future in May 2022 to reach 1,000 young people ages 14 to 21 in 15 neighborhoods on the South and West sides. Data indicates fewer than 500 have participated so far.

The findings released today illustrate how difficult it is to reconnect with these young people — often referred to as “opportunity youth” — once they’ve disengaged.

“If it was easy, somebody would have already done it,” said Jadine Chou, chief safety and security officer at Chicago Public Schools. “We knew going into this that it was going to be really hard.”

The Back to Our Future program is a partnership between the Crime Lab, Chicago Public Schools, and the three community organizations tasked with doing the on-the-ground reengagement: Breakthrough, UCAN, and Youth Advocate Programs (YAP), Inc.

Kim Smith, director of programs for the University of Chicago Crime Lab and Education Lab, said the low uptake is not entirely surprising. Back to Our Future is “a very ambitious program” to reach young people that have not been “served well by status quo services,” she said.

“This group of young people are not just going to kind of show up after a phone call,” Smith said. “There is an incredible need to tailor programming, to tailor services, even to tailor outreach strategies.”

The 12-week Back to Our Future program costs roughly $18,000 per young person to run. It includes 20 hours a week of mentoring, mental health services, job training, credit recovery to earn a CPS diploma or GED programming, and a stipend for youth participants.

However, the policy brief found many teens did not engage for the full 20 hours of programming each week. On average, participants attended nearly seven hours each week.

The policy brief analyzed referral and participation data, but was not a full evaluation of the program.

Chou said the district has a database of former students who left school before earning their diploma that they have used and shared with partner organizations in order to track down students. But often phone numbers and home addresses are no longer current or they have left Chicago. A lot of them have also aged out and would not be eligible for Back to Our Future.

“Once you do reach them, you have to really build trust,” Chou added.

She said the district is also learning a lot from the young people in Back to Our Future about how to prevent disconnection before it happens.

“They all have very important information, very important experiences that they are very happy to share,” she said, “which then I bring back to (colleagues at) CPS and say, ‘How can we work on this so that we essentially stem these young people from leaving us in the first place?’”

Chou highlighted school transfers as a signal for a student eventually dropping out.

“Once they do that transfer, that is so disruptive and destabilizing to their experience and to their sense of well-being because now they have to make new friends, now they have to navigate a new path to school,” she said. “And so, if possible, how do we support them in place?”

Smith said prevention is important so the numbers of out-of-school, out-of-work youth do not grow.

“At the point where a young person has not attended their school for 6, 12, 18 months, something has gone really wrong,” Smith said. “But it’s not ever too late, in our opinion, to try to re-engage young people and get them back on a good track.”

The brief only looked at data through May 2023. According to Chou, 346 young people are currently participating in Back to Our Future and outreach continues every day. She said 103 youth have successfully completed the program and of those, 32 earned their high school diplomas and 71 are re-enrolled in school.

“They would not have been able to do that without this program,” Chou said.

Becky Vevea is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Becky at bvevea@chalkbeat.org.

Mental health, literacy, college access: Hochul’s 2024 education agenda

2024-01-09T20:11:06+00:00

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Improving student mental health services, urging school districts to adopt new literacy curriculums, and expanding access to the state’s public colleges and universities are among the education initiatives that New York Gov. Kathy Hochul hopes to accomplish this year.

Hochul outlined her priorities for the year on Tuesday during her annual State of the State address — a speech that governors deliver each January. She pointed to a series of key policy proposals, including those that could impact children across the state, while emphasizing the need to strengthen public safety and mental health services in particular.

But some critical education issues were absent from the more than 200 initiatives outlined by state officials on Tuesday. Hochul noted her plans for addressing “the toughest fiscal issues” facing the state — including providing care for the influx of asylum-seeking and other migrant families — would come when she presents her budget proposal next week.

Here are the education policy highlights from Hochul’s State of the State address:

More school-based clinics and limits on social media

On Tuesday, Hochul referred to mental health as “the defining challenge of our time,” blaming pandemic isolation and the “toxic algorithms that govern social media” for fueling a crisis among the state’s young people.

“When schools closed during the pandemic, kids turned to social media to stay connected with friends and families,” she said. “But a darkness lives on those platforms.”

Hochul’s proposed initiatives would take a two-pronged approach to addressing student mental health — bolstering access to resources at schools, while seeking to limit the potential negative impacts of social media.

The governor wants to make on-site mental health clinics available to any school that desires one. The clinics offer students a place to receive services from mental health professionals. The proposal would build on past efforts by her administration to increase the availability of such clinics. In November, Hochul announced more than $5 million had been awarded to support 137 school-based mental health clinics across the state, including more than 80 at high-needs schools.

Hochul has also called for expanded funding for youth-driven peer support programs, as well as intensive care programs that support students who need daily treatment.

State officials, including Hochul, have also pushed for legislation that would impose restrictions on how social media companies interact with minors. Under two proposed bills, social media companies would be unable to offer algorithmically devised “addictive” content to minors by default, while giving parents the ability to block access to the sites between certain hours, and limiting the companies’ ability to collect and sell the personal data of minors.

Guaranteed college admissions for top students

To expand access to higher education across the state, Hochul has proposed automatically admitting top-performing high school students to the state’s public colleges and universities.

Under the proposal, students graduating in the top 10% of their high schools would be guaranteed admission to one or more selective colleges in the State University of New York system. A similar proposed program at City University of New York campuses would further expand access.

Other higher education priorities included increasing completion rates of federal financial aid applications, broadening outreach around food stamp benefits at public colleges, and driving up voter participation on college campuses.

A reading curriculum shakeup

During her Tuesday speech, Hochul referred to her recently announced plan to change how students across the state learn to read. The governor hopes to move schools toward embracing the “science of reading,” an established body of research about how children learn to read.

As part of her plan, the state will support programs that emphasize phonics lessons, which explicitly teach the relationships between sounds and letters and are backed by research.

Hochul has also proposed investing $10 million to partner with the state’s teachers union, training 20,000 educators and expanding efforts from the city and state university systems to help educators learn about the science of reading.

New York City has already adopted its own sweeping literacy curriculum mandate that is largely in line with Hochul’s proposal. Curriculum overhauls can be difficult to enact, and it remains unclear whether the governor’s proposal will prompt significant changes statewide.

Swimming safety, food insecurity, and other initiatives

Outside of the classroom, Hochul has also prioritized programs that seek to support families and young people across the state — including efforts to prevent drownings, tackle food insecurity, and expand access to child care.

State officials said drownings have reached record highs in recent years, becoming one of the leading causes of death among children. Racial disparities have persisted in drowning deaths, with Black children experiencing drowning death rates roughly three times higher than their white peers, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

To address this, the state will provide funding to renovate and construct pools in high-need neighborhoods, build “pop-up pools” during the summer months, and offer reimbursements to municipalities for costs related to hiring and staffing lifeguards, among other initiatives.

The city has also aimed to expand access to swimming facilities and programs, with a “floating pool” set to open next year.

The state has also opted into a federal meals program that provides families who usually receive free meals at school with funds to help cover food costs during the summer. That program is estimated to provide more than $200 million in federal benefits to about 2 million children in the state, officials said.

Hochul also called for continued investments in child care programs, noting the state will continue to use underutilized federal pandemic funds to provide grants to help such programs retain and hire staff.

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

Biden vs. GOP states: Where will the battle over transgender rights leave students?

2022-08-10T11:00:00+00:00

The Biden administration and Republican lawmakers are locked in a rancorous battle over a high-stakes question: What rights do transgender students have?

Biden and other Democrats argue that federal civil rights law protects trans students, and schools must respect students’ gender identity. Republican legislators and governors in a growing number of states argue the exact opposite: Federal law doesn’t protect trans students, and school policies — covering everything from bathrooms to sports teams and pronouns — should stick to students’ sex assigned at birth.

The most recent round of this dispute began in June when President Joe Biden signed an executive order that the White House said will protect LGBTQ people from “harmful, hateful, and discriminatory attacks” by state legislatures.

“We’re in a battle for the very soul of this nation,” Biden said at the signing ceremony.

Shortly after, the U.S. education department proposed new rules to protect LGBTQ students from discrimination. Conservatives quickly slammed the proposed regulations as an example of Democrats’ “woke agenda,” and, last month, officials in Florida — a hotbed of the current culture wars — ordered school districts to ignore the guidance.

The Florida education department “will not stand idly by as federal agencies attempt to impose a sexual ideology on Florida schools,” state Education Commissioner Manny Diaz, Jr. wrote in a memo.

Republicans have seized on the clash over transgender rights as a way to galvanize voters in a midterm election year, but the debate is about much more than politics. State lawmakers have proposed hundreds of measures this year targeting LGBTQ Americans, and trans youth in particular, even as the federal government tries to cement protections for LGBTQ students.

The opposing efforts have set the stage for a monumental legal showdown, with the rights of transgender students hanging in the balance.

“There’s so much at stake,” said Alexis Rangel, policy counsel at the National Center for Transgender Equality. “It’s about being able to live our lives in a way that feels authentic and to share our true selves with the people around us.”

As this fast-moving conflict unfolds, here’s a guide to how it started and where it’s headed next.

A showdown years in the making

The current standoff is the culmination of a yearslong cat-and-mouse game between federal officials and state lawmakers over LGBTQ rights.

In 2016, North Carolina passed a law that limited transgender people’s access to bathrooms in schools and other public facilities, provoking a nationwide backlash.

Less than two months later, the Obama administration issued guidance saying that Title IX, the landmark civil rights law that prohibits sex-based discrimination in federally funded schools, also applies to gender identity. Schools must allow transgender students to participate in sports, adopt pronouns, and use bathrooms “consistent with their gender identity,” the guidance said.

In 2017, former President Trump rescinded the guidance. That year, at least 15 states introduced bathroom restrictions targeting transgender students and adults.

Subsequent measures moved beyond bathrooms. Arguing that LGBTQ-inclusive books and lessons push students to question their identities, Republicans in several states introduced legislation prohibiting classroom discussions about gender or sexual orientation in certain grades. Florida and Alabama passed such laws this year.

Other laws impose restrictions directly on transgender students, banning them from locker rooms and sports teams that match their gender identity. A new law in Tennessee will withhold funding from schools that fail to enforce the state’s restriction on trans athletes.

“Regardless of the radical propaganda being pushed by the left, God created men and women differently from a physical standpoint, and that’s a biological fact,” Republican Sen. Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee told Fox News Digital.

After Biden took office in 2021, federal officials reiterated that Title IX does protect LGBTQ students and said federal agencies would investigate reports of discrimination, such as a school excluding a transgender girl from a girls team or bathroom.

Yet some state legislatures ignored the warning. This year, two more states passed school bathroom laws and eight more passed restrictions on transgender student-athletes.

“This is part of the traditional push-pull of civil rights advancements,” said Elizabeth Meyer, an associate professor at the University of Colorado Boulder who has written about transgender students. “When you see advancements and you see more people being visible and standing up and demanding recognition and support, then you see the pushback and the backlash.”

Biden’s bid to protect trans students

President Biden has vowed to defend LGBTQ Americans, whose rights he says “are under relentless attack.”

On his first day in office, Biden signed an executive order directing federal agencies to combat discrimination against LGBTQ people, including in schools. “Children should be able to learn without worrying about whether they will be denied access to the restroom, the locker room, or school sports,” read the January 2021 order.

Advocates in Texas last year protested against a bill that would restrict transgender students’ participation in school sports.

The justice and education departments followed up with guidance stating that Title IX forbids discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation. The agencies based their interpretation of the law on a 2020 Supreme Court ruling that said the federal statute prohibiting workplace discrimination also protects LGBTQ employees.

The administration is in the process of turning its Title IX interpretation into a formal rule, which would be harder to overturn than non-binding guidance, hold more weight in court, and strengthen federal agencies’ enforcement power.

States like Florida that have rejected Biden’s Title IX guidance would find it harder to flout a regulation, said Suzanne Eckes, an education law professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

“Once the formal rule-making process is complete,” she said, “good luck.”

Meanwhile, the Education Department under Biden has investigated complaints of harassment and discrimination against LGBTQ students. And the Justice Department has backed legal challenges to several anti-LGBTQ state laws, including one in West Virginia that prohibits transgender girls from competing on female sports teams.

“The United States has a significant interest in ensuring that all students, including students who are transgender, can participate in an educational environment free of unlawful discrimination,” the agency wrote.

States attack federal ‘overreach’

At every turn, Republican-dominated states have resisted the Biden administration’s efforts.

Last year, a group of 20 state attorneys general sued the U.S. Education Department and another agency, challenging the guidance that said federal anti-discrimination laws protect transgender people. The lawsuit called the guidance an “overreach” that infringed upon states’ right to legislate thorny issues, such as whether trans girls can compete on girls sports teams.

The federal agencies “have no authority to resolve those sensitive questions, let alone to do so by executive fiat without providing any opportunity for public participation,” the lawsuit said.

Last month, a Trump-appointed federal judge sided with the attorneys general, temporarily blocking enforcement of the federal guidance in those states.

Some of the same attorneys general filed a complaint last month challenging a similar directive issued by the Agriculture Department.

The Education Department’s proposed Title IX changes must still be finalized, and officials are considering separate changes related to school sports. But once the new rules are adopted, they almost certainly will be challenged in court.

In a letter to the U.S. education secretary in June, 18 conservative state attorneys general said that using Title IX to also protect transgender people from discrimination “is an attack on the rights of girls and women.”

“[W]e will fight your proposed changes to Title IX with every available tool in our arsenal,” they wrote.

The courts step in

The courts have become a key battleground in the clash over transgender students’ rights — and are the venue where the issue will most likely be settled.

Trans students in several states have gone to court to fight athletic restrictions. In Idaho, a college track and cross-country runner filed a lawsuit in 2020 challenging the state’s ban on transgender athletes in kindergarten through college from competing on female sports teams. A federal judge agreed to block enforcement of the law while litigation continues.

A federal judge in West Virginia temporarily halted that state’s law after advocates sued on behalf of an 11-year-old transgender girl who was stopped from joining girls sports teams.

“The right not to be discriminated against by the government belongs to all of us in equal measure,” the judge wrote.

Similar court cases are pending in Florida, Indiana, Tennessee, and Utah.

Other lawsuits have taken aim at school bathroom policies. In at least 11 cases in state or federal courts, transgender students have challenged policies that prevent them from using bathrooms or locker rooms consistent with their gender identity, according to Eckes, the education law professor, who has tracked the litigation. In each case, the students prevailed.

“These judges run the gamut in terms of ideology,” said Sarah Warbelow, legal director for the Human Rights Campaign, a national LGBTQ advocacy group. Yet “they keep coming to the same conclusion: that it’s a violation of federal law and the U.S. Constitution to discriminate against transgender students.”

The Supreme Court is expected to eventually weigh in on the question of transgender students’ rights. But experts say that might not happen for years, leaving lower courts across the country to issue potentially contradictory rulings.

There’s a “tremendous opportunity for conflict, for uncertainty, for quite an extended period of time,” said R. Shep Melnick, a politics professor at Boston College.

Schools stuck in the middle

For now, schools are caught in the legal and political crossfire.

On July 1, the day Florida schools were to begin enforcing the state’s new ban on lessons about sexuality or gender in grades K-3, Biden’s press secretary called the law “discrimination” and urged families to file civil rights complaints if necessary. Florida’s education commissioner shot back later that month, warning districts that they “risk violating Florida law” if they act on federal guidance related to LGBTQ students.

At a recent event, Catherine Lhamon, the head of the U.S. education department’s Office for Civil Rights, was asked how schools should navigate the conflicting messages. She noted that federal law takes precedence over state law when the two are opposed.

“So a discriminatory state law is no defense to a federal legal civil rights violation,” Lhamon said at the Education Writers Association conference in Orlando. “Full stop.”

It’s true that Title IX would trump state laws like Florida’s, Melnick said — if, as the Biden administration argues, the federal anti-discrimination law applies to LGBTQ students.

“But here’s the big caveat,” he said. “Would courts agree that this is a valid interpretation of the federal law?”

If the administration’s proposed Title IX regulation is finalized and upheld by the courts, the education department could withhold funding from states with laws that violate the rule, said Shep, who has written a book about Title IX. But considering the agency has never cut off funding due to a Title IX violation, that would be a drastic move, he added.

A more likely scenario, he said, is that the department’s Office for Civil Rights will investigate complaints of discrimination against students based on their sexual orientation or gender identity, which the office considers a violation of Title IX. In response, a school might agree to change its practices even if doing so contradicts state law.

“If the OCR is dealing with schools that are sympathetic to their point of view and dubious about state law,” Shep said, “then they can probably negotiate agreements.”

Warbelow, of the Human Rights Campaign, said a school district could even sue the state over a law it considers discriminatory.

“So there really are options for schools that are caught in this untenable situation,” she said. “They can stand by their transgender students.”

Patrick Wall is a senior reporter covering national education issues. Contact him at pwall@chalkbeat.org.

Rising tide of censorship and scrutiny has schools scrambling to avoid backlash

2022-09-23T11:00:00+00:00

The culture war engulfing schools has subjected educators like Richard Clifton to unfamiliar scrutiny — including, in his case, a public records request.

In Savannah, Georgia, where Clifton is a longtime English teacher, a group of conservative activists earlier this year began calling for the school board to “purge” books with sexual content from school libraries. After Clifton took a personal stand against book banning, someone submitted a records request to learn what texts he assigns to students.

Around the same time, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp signed new laws that he said would protect students from what he views as obscene materials and divisive concepts. In response, an official in Clifton’s district advised against using the term “white privilege” in the classroom.

Clifton didn’t change the content of the screenwriting class he’s teaching this school year, his 29th in the district. But as the political combat around education escalates, he is more cautious about the topics he discusses and the language he uses in class.

“I am a little more gun-shy than I might have been in the past,” he said.

The conservative backlash against anti-racism and LGBTQ inclusion in schools has put intense pressure on many educators. And that is causing schools to change, in ways obvious and subtle, as laws like Georgia’s take effect across the country.

Some of the moves are public, as when districts review challenged books or make it easier for parents to lodge complaints. But other shifts are happening behind the scenes — books quietly pulled from shelves, classroom discussions cut short — as teachers and school leaders seek to avoid blowback. Often it is students of color and LGBTQ young people who feel these effects most acutely as signals of inclusivity fade or vanish.

That was the case in an Alabama school district where a superintendent, facing pressure from some parents and a new state law restricting lessons about sexuality, ordered the removal of LGBTQ pride flags from classrooms, according to a teacher who requested anonymity to avoid retaliation. As the teacher took down her flags at the request of her principal, a queer student in the room began to cry.

“Once you ban a symbol that shows you love and support them,” the teacher said, “it looks like you are no longer supporting them.”

Conservative critics view the push to confront racism and champion inclusion in schools as a pretext for exposing students to liberal ideas and inappropriate content. That backlash has fueled efforts to rein in teachers and censor books.

Three-dozen state legislatures have considered bills this year to restrict teaching about contested topics, which six states passed, while schools in nearly 140 districts have removed or limited students’ access to books that parents or community members opposed, according to two recent reports by PEN America, a free-speech advocacy group. Other legislation makes it easier for parents to see what’s taught in school and raise objections.

The combined efforts have had a chilling effect, according to analysts and educators. While there have been a few high-profile instances of districts being penalized or teachers investigated for violating the new rules, just the threat of controversy or punishment has been enough to prompt preemptive changes.

School and district leaders are “taking it upon themselves to do the censors’ work for them,” said Jeremy C. Young, senior manager of free expression and education at PEN America. “In some ways that’s the goal of the legislation: to make everyone afraid of their own shadows so they simply stay away from this material.”

The legislation, almost all of which has been introduced by Republicans, has increasingly included the threat of sanctions ranging from professional discipline to loss of state funding and even criminal charges. Some laws enlist parents as enforcers.

For instance, Florida’s new Parental Rights in Education law allows parents to report and potentially sue school districts if they believe a teacher discussed sexuality or gender identity with students in grades K-3.

“The overall feeling that I get is fear,” said Raegan Miller, a parent in St. Petersburg and member of the Florida Freedom to Read Project, which opposes the new restrictions.

The laws have unleashed a flurry of censorship, much of it aimed at books featuring Black or LGBTQ characters and driven by conservative activists. The group has tracked more than 580 titles that faced challenges across Florida over the past year, resulting in dozens of books being removed or made less accessible.

In her own children’s district, Miller has seen schools only allow older students to check out picture books with LGBTQ characters, which she considers an indirect ban. Recently, her son’s fifth-grade teacher sent home a form asking parents to indicate whether their children may use the classroom library.

“That’s the first time I’ve ever gotten a letter like that,” Miller said.

With only limited state guidance, Florida school districts have taken steps to forestall potential violations of the new laws. Some critics say they’ve gone overboard.

The Orange County school district, which educates more than 200,000 students in the Orlando area, forbade schools from adding new library books until media specialists complete a required training next year. The Miami-Dade County school board recently rejected a proposal to recognize October as “LGBTQ History Month.” And the superintendent of the more than 80,000-student Pasco County school district told employees this month to remove “Safe Space” stickers, which are meant to signal support for LGBTQ students.

“People are being very cautious,” said Dr. Sue Woltanski, a retired pediatrician and member of the Monroe County school board in Key West. “My concern is that caution will prevent people from standing up for teachers who are trying to do the right thing in their classrooms.”

Schools in her district are putting their library catalogs online in compliance with the new laws, she added, but are not removing Safe Space stickers.

Many schools’ fear of controversy or censure is surfacing in inconspicuous ways.

In Missouri, where Republican lawmakers proposed more than 20 bills this year seeking to limit what students learn about racism and other “divisive concepts,” Aimee Robertson has noticed her children’s teachers sending home more permission slips. Already this school year, her daughter’s 11th grade AP English teacher has sought parents’ consent before allowing students to choose which memoir to study or showing them a documentary about humanity’s impact on the environment.

“Clearly districts and educators are going above and beyond to cover their butts,” she said.

Students have also noticed teachers’ newfound apprehension.

Kennedy Young is an 11th grader in Georgia, where a new law limits what teachers can say about racism and U.S. history.

During a recent lesson at her school in Cobb County, Kennedy’s English teacher started to share her thoughts about why a Black and a Latina character in “A Streetcar Named Desire” weren’t given names, but she stopped herself. The teacher said students could discuss the topic, but she wasn’t allowed to participate. No one spoke up.

Kennedy, who is Black and has been helping other students talk about race under the new law, said she wanted to bring up how women of color, and Black women in particular, are often marginalized in literature. But it can be isolating for students of color to lead classroom discussions about race without teachers’ support.

“Sometimes I can feel like my voice is quieter, that it doesn’t matter,” she said, “because there isn’t that adult or other people of color to help me and guide the conversation along.”

Back in Richard Clifton’s district, Savannah-Chatham County, officials have taken steps to obey the new laws.

The school board adopted policies allowing parents to object to teaching materials used in their children’s classes, and report teachers who they believe discussed prohibited topics. At a training for administrators, a board attorney urged “caution and discretion” when using the phrase white privilege in classrooms, according to district spokesperson Sheila Blanco.

Despite pressure from activists who urged the board to “protect our children from pornography,” the district has not removed any books from school libraries this year, Blanco said.

For his part, Clifton said he believes parents have a right to know what’s taught in school, and he’s always tried to avoid promoting his personal beliefs in class. He still welcomes robust debate in his classroom, but now if a student were to raise a politically charged topic, he might think twice before engaging.

“I wouldn’t delve into it deeply,” he said, “because of the climate we are in.”

Kalyn Belsha contributed reporting.

Patrick Wall is a senior reporter covering national education issues. Contact him at pwall@chalkbeat.org.

More than politics: New studies help explain why some schools reopened while others stayed virtual

2022-10-12T16:20:26+00:00

To critics, keeping schools closed during the pandemic was not only a colossal blunder — it was pure politics.

According to many Republicans and some liberals, some school districts’ decision to extend remote learning for well over a year owed more to partisan politics and pressure by teachers unions than the data on COVID’s health risks. In short, they say, politics prevailed over science.

That argument was supported by early studies, which found that a community’s party affiliation and teachers union strength better predicted whether schools would reopen than local COVID conditions. But later research found that in-person learning was less common in counties with high COVID rates, challenging the view that reopening decisions were divorced from public health data.

Now, two additional studies provide even greater insight into districts’ choices during the first full school year of the pandemic about whether to reopen classrooms or continue remote learning — decisions that proved to be as consequential as they were contentious.

Together, the studies indicate that districts responded to evolving conditions on the ground during a period of intense uncertainty, basing their actions on COVID spread, health guidelines, teacher demands, and parent preferences. As to whether politics or science guided decision-making, the emerging research suggests, the answer is both/and.

“The decisions were not as black and white as the popular discourse made it out to be, and which some of the early research studies fit into,” said Jeremy Singer, a postdoctoral researcher at Michigan State University who co-authored one of the recent studies. “It’s a much more nuanced story.”

Early research on school opening decisions focused largely on the start of the 2020-21 school year, when districts faced pressure by the Trump administration to resume in-person learning even as COVID rates surged. School buildings were less likely to reopen that fall in communities with strong teachers unions and more Democratic voters, several studies found.

Such research fueled the popular perception that “politics, far more than science, shaped school district decision-making,” as one early study put it. But a new working paper, released this month, reaches the opposite conclusion: Perceived health risks, more than politics, drove most reopening decisions.

The new study examined the reopening choices of Ohio’s more than 600 school districts throughout that school year — not just in the fall. Since a community’s political preferences and union strength tend to remain constant, districts that opened or closed schools during the year were likely responding to changing health conditions, the researchers theorized. And that’s what they found.

About two-thirds of Ohio districts switched between in-person and remote learning over the course of the school year, some multiple times, the study shows. In those districts, local COVID rates were a better predictor of reopening than politics. (By contrast, districts that kept schools open all year tended to be in rural and Republican areas, while those that stayed virtual were mostly in urban, Democratic areas — trends consistent with prior research.)

By looking at districts’ weekly COVID data, the researchers found that rising case counts during in-person learning made districts less likely to keep schools open the following week. The effect waned over time, a sign that officials came to rely less on infection rates as they learned more about COVID spread and risks, the researchers propose. The study also found that districts were more likely to open schools when neighboring districts did so.

Taken together, the findings suggest that district leaders “were acting like rational decision-makers facing uncertainty,” said Brian Jacob, an education policy professor at the University of Michigan, who co-authored the study with Alvin Christian and John Singleton. “That’s a very different picture of school districts and school boards than, ‘They’re only focused on political partisanship.’”

The second recent working paper, released in July, is a qualitative study of five cities where schools started the 2020-21 school year virtually: Denver; Detroit; New Orleans; Portland, Oregon; and Washington, D.C. Based on dozens of interviews with district and charter school administrators, union leaders, advocates, and parents, the study sheds new light on how and why districts made their reopening decisions.

Not surprisingly, officials in those heavily Democratic cities closely adhered to public health guidance around COVID, which former President Donald Trump and his allies often attacked as too cautious. While the district leaders tended to agree with the guidance, they also used it strategically as a source of legitimacy and political cover, according to the study conducted by researchers at several universities.

“I don’t need the community thinking that I am unilaterally deciding what’s safe or what’s healthy,” a district official told the researchers. “I need professionals and subject matter experts to tell us, ‘These are the guidelines.’”

Teachers unions influenced the process by highlighting the health risks of reopening and demanding certain safety precautions, the study found. But district officials also worried that reopening too quickly would lead to teacher resignations and staff shortages.

Families generally embraced the districts’ gradual return to in-person learning, the researchers found, in line with national polling data that showed, compared with white parents, fewer Black and Latino parents favored reopening schools in fall 2020. Based on opinion polls and the higher COVID death rate among people of color, leaders of these districts “came to believe non-white families were not strongly demanding in-person learning,” the study says.

The debate over whether schools should have reopened sooner shows no sign of abating, especially as new data reveals how much student learning suffered during the pandemic. While the new studies won’t settle that debate, they do provide a better understanding of how district officials made their decisions, which were about far more than just politics, said Singer, one of the study’s authors.

“I think evidence like this helps reinforce the idea that district leadership and school leadership were trying to navigate a really difficult context,” he said, “and it wasn’t just a gut reflex based on national partisanship.”

Patrick Wall is a senior reporter covering national education issues. Contact him at pwall@chalkbeat.org.

Three things to know about the Chicago Board of Education’s resolution on school choice

2024-01-03T12:00:00+00:00

Chicago’s Board of Education made waves last month when officials revealed a vision to move away from its school choice system and boost neighborhood schools.

The declaration, included in a resolution the board passed in December, lays out priorities for the district’s five-year strategic plan, which will be finalized this summer. Any resulting changes will depend on feedback from the community, board members said.

But the board’s new vision immediately sparked misinformation. Here are three things to know about the board’s resolution.

Will schools close?

No. Not yet, at least.

The resolution does not say anything about closing schools. State law put a moratorium on school closures in Chicago until Jan. 15, 2025, the same day a new 21-member, partially-elected school is set to be sworn in. The current seven-member school board, appointed by Mayor Brandon Johnson, would not be able to close schools of any type – charters, magnets, or neighborhood schools – until that time.

School board member Elizabeth Todd-Breland did indicate the board is scrutinizing charter school performance through the usual renewal process and questioned whether poor-performing operators should “continue to exist.”

But even a recent board decision to revoke a charter agreement with Urban Prep did not ultimately mean those schools closed. First, the district proposed operating the two campuses as district-run schools. But after a court order, the board extended Urban Prep’s charter until June 2024.

Will I have to go to my neighborhood school?

No. The resolution does not say anything about requiring families to attend their neighborhood schools.

The closest it comes to addressing enrollment policies is a bullet point about a “reimagined vision” that includes a “transition away from privatization and admissions/enrollment policies and approaches that further stratification and inequity in CPS and drive student enrollment away from neighborhood schools.”

Any school-aged child living in Chicago is guaranteed a spot at their zoned neighborhood school. Additionally, board policy amended as recently as last summer, allows families to apply to a myriad of selective, magnet, charter, or other speciality programs that admit students from across the city. Some schools require a test for admission, while others are a straight lottery.

These policies have not changed, but could after community feedback sessions.

“There likely will be policies that need to be revised and changed,” Todd-Breland said. “The admissions and enrollment policy is on the table.”

Data shows half of elementary school students attend their zoned neighborhood school and only a quarter of high school students do. These numbers shifted over the course of the past 20 years, when roughly 75% of elementary school students went to their local school and half of high schoolers did.

What do parents and students think?

It varies greatly.

Chalkbeat Chicago asked readers for their thoughts on school choice and got nearly 80 responses from families across the city about how they’ve navigated the system. Five families shared more about how — and why — they chose their schools.

The wide range of responses could be a bellwether for the kind of debate or disagreement that could emerge during community feedback sessions.

The Board of Education was awarded a $500,000 federal grant to create socioeconomically diverse schools. The district said it plans to use the money to engage the community on how to draw more families into neighborhood schools. Their application included a goal to reduce the percentage of families attending a school outside of their regions by at least 3%. The district did not answer questions to clarify their definition of region or why 3% was their goal.

The district is already collecting feedback on the next five-year strategic plan through an online survey and community meetings for the next Educational Facilities Master Plan. Officials have said they will host in-person and online meetings in February to gather feedback on the strategic plan.

Becky Vevea is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Becky at bvevea@chalkbeat.org.

Reema Amin is a reporter covering Chicago Public Schools. Contact Reema at ramin@chalkbeat.org.

Adams 14 se resiste a la reorganización; distritos vecinos dan su apoyo

2022-05-20T20:36:03+00:00

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Los líderes de Adams 14 tienen planes de resistir los esfuerzos del estado por reorganizar el distrito escolar (que lleva años teniendo dificultades), y están recibiendo el apoyo de los distritos vecinos, un frente unido que sugiere que el estado está a punto de entablar una batalla cuesta arriba en sus esfuerzos por obligar un cambio en la comunidad.

“Creo que en esto vamos a tener más aliados que la Junta Estatal”, dijo Joe Salazar, uno de los abogados de Adams 14.

Adams 14, un distrito escolar al norte de Denver, ha probado el poder de la ley de responsabilidad del estado porque ha tenido que enfrentarse a muchas cosas que nunca habían ocurrido. A diferencia de otros estados, Colorado no tiene autoridad para adueñarse directamente de las operaciones de los distritos escolares.

En 2018, cuando el estado ordenó que el distrito contratara un administrador externo después de años de desempeño académico deficiente, la junta escolar local permaneció. Y en 2021, cuando esa junta contrató su propia superintendente, Karla Loria, ella no tardó en deshacerse de la compañía externa de administración, MGT Consulting.

Ahora, con la preocupación de que los líderes del distrito no tienen lo que hace falta para dirigir los planes nuevos para mejorar el desempeño de los estudiantes y que no están dispuestos a compartir suficiente responsabilidad con asistencia externa para hacerlo, la Junta Estatal de Educación le quitó la acreditación al distrito y ordenó que fuera reorganizado, una movida que pudiera resultar en la disolución del distrito, cierres de escuelas, y que los estudiantes tengan que asistir a distritos vecinos.

Pero Colorado nunca había hecho esto, y deja muchas preguntas sin contestar con respecto a cómo funcionará el proceso. Mientras tanto, la ley les da a las comunidades locales bastantes opciones para resistir al estado.

Líderes de distritos vecinos se unen para apoyar a Adams 14

Aunque Adams 14 tuvo una relación débil con algunos de sus vecinos en el pasado, este año Loria logró convocar a sus colegas y ha recibido su apoyo. Los líderes del distrito tienen la esperanza de que otros se unan, aunque sea solamente para defender el control local.

El estado ha dicho que los distritos Mapleton, 27J y Adams 12 Five Star también participarán en el proceso de reorganización junto con Adams 14. De conformidad con la ley, un comité compuesto por miembros designados por las juntas escolares y los comités de responsabilidad de cada distrito redactará un plan para los nuevos límites geográficos del distrito. Cuando el comité y la comisionada de educación hayan aprobado un plan, éste debe ser aprobado por votación de los electores en los distritos afectados.

Y en cuanto a qué tan nuevo e incierto el proceso es, el departamento de educación originalmente publicó una hoja de información en la que se indicaba que las juntas escolares mismas necesitarían aprobar el plan. Sin embargo, ese requisito en actualidad se trata de un proceso de reorganización distinto incluido en otra sección de la ley estatal.

Mientras hablaba ante la junta escolar de Adams 14 la semana pasada, Salazar también indicó que entendía que las juntas locales necesitarán tener una votación por el plan. Eso significa que los funcionarios estatales tienen un problema, dijo él.

“Quieren pelear con el Condado de Adams, y vamos a unirnos como el Condado de Adams”, dijo.

Aunque el proceso no requiere la aprobación de las juntas escolares, éstas pueden influir en el resultado porque son las que nombran a los miembros del comité.

Y si no quieren crear un plan, el estado no puede hacer mucho para obligarlos a hacerlo. Haber eliminado la acreditación es algo mayormente simbólico — pero ha sido la amenaza detrás de las órdenes del estado en el pasado. Su propósito es hacerles saber a los padres que el distrito lleva mucho tiempo teniendo un desempeño deficiente. Pero los padres ya saben que el distrito tiene retos, y muchos se han expresado abiertamente para apoyar el liderazgo local y creen que el sistema de responsabilidad del estado los juzga injustamente.

Decisión “en las manos de la comunidad”

La Comisionada de Educación Katy Anthes dijo que la reorganización de Adams 14 no es algo seguro, y que los resultados realmente dependen de la comunidad.

“Mi esperanza es que hagan un esfuerzo de buena fe, y estoy segura de que así lo harán”, dijo Anthes. “Si deciden que no quieren reorganizarse o que un plan no tiene sentido, o no pueden definir un plan, entonces tendremos que reevaluar todo en ese momento. La decisión está en las manos de la comunidad”.

Chris Fiedler, Superintendente del Distrito 27J, dijo que apoya a Adams 14. Su distrito, basado en Brighton, cubre partes de Commerce City y estará incluido en el comité de reorganización.

“Entiendo que debemos participar según la ley. No puedo optar por no participar, aunque me gustaría”, dijo Fiedler. “De todos modos creo que lo que se necesita para el éxito de los estudiantes de Adams 14, está en Adams 14. Sé que Karla es una superintendente excepcional, realmente una de las mejores que he visto mientras he ocupado este puesto”.

Aparte de creer en el liderazgo actual del distrito, Fiedler dijo que en su opinión esto se trata del control local y confiar que los líderes del distrito conocen sus necesidades mejor que el estado.

Charlotte Ciancio, Superintendente de Mapleton, también dijo que apoyo a Adams 14 y criticó al sistema de responsabilidad del estado, que le ha dado calificaciones bajas a Adams 14.

“Lo que le está pasando a Adams 14 es resultado directo de un sistema que no asegura que a todas las comunidades se les trate de manera justa y equitativa”, dijo Ciancio en una declaración. “El sistema de responsabilidad y acreditación en Colorado tiene bastantes deficiencias. Un ejemplo de la injusticia es que para calificar a las escuelas usa los resultados de un examen administrado únicamente en inglés en una comunidad que predominantemente habla español. Mientras continuamos identificando la mejor ruta a seguir para Adams 14, ¡también continuaremos pidiendo un sistema de acreditación nuevo para las escuelas de Colorado!”

Los legisladores han ordenado una auditoría del sistema de responsabilidad del estado para determinar si está funcionando como se supone, lo cual incluye determinar si está perjudicando a los estudiantes de minorías raciales y bajos ingresos que se supone que proteja. Los resultados de esa auditoría deben estar listos en noviembre.

Les pedimos comentarios a los representantes de Adams 12 pero no recibimos respuesta. El distrito de Denver, que también colinda con Adams 14, no es parte del proceso porque una enmienda a la constitución estatal en la década de los 70 impide que los límites geográficos del distrito de Denver crezcan excepto si los límites de la ciudad cambian también.

Decisión de la junta estatal: “desestabilizante”

Jason Malmberg, presidente de la unión de maestros de Adams 14, dijo que en las escuelas la semana pasada lo que se percibía era una tristeza profunda. Muchas personas estaban confundidas por no saber cuál es el próximo paso, mientras que a otras les entristecía que el estado hubiese ido tan lejos, dijo.

Malmberg dijo que la decisión de la Junta Estatal era desestabilizante y que los miembros de la junta no lo entienden. “Las soluciones que sugieren no están ayudando”, dijo. “Están empeorando las cosas, no mejorándolas”.

Malmberg dijo que también le preocupa lo que las órdenes significan para el control local.

“¿La Junta Estatal de Educación tiene derecho, en el siglo 21 y en una democracia, para disolver un organismo elegido democráticamente?”, preguntó.

Si el comité de reorganización prepara un plan que disuelve el distrito completo, dándole las áreas a otros distritos, la junta escolar local de Adams 14 quedará disuelta.

Salazar dijo que este es un aspecto de la ley que le preocupa.

También le preocupa que reorganizar el distrito será una manera para traer más escuelas chárter, aunque Anthes dijo que ella no cree que eso esté dentro del alcance del comité de reorganización.

Otros escenarios posibles incluyen disolver a Adams 14 y crear otro distrito con nombre nuevo en los mismos límites geográficos (una manera de cambiar de marca y empezar desde cero), o dejar que los distritos vecinos absorban partes de Adams 14 para que el distrito se enfoque en menos escuelas.

Mientras tanto, los líderes de Adams 14 dicen que todavía están dedicados a educar estudiantes. Los líderes están continuando las negociaciones para trabajar con TNTP, una empresa de consultoría sin fines de lucro. Según el plan que el distrito le presentó al estado, TNTP trabajaría ‘hombro con hombro’ con la superintendente para hacer recomendaciones.

El distrito también tiene que ir ante el estado el próximo mes para presentar su plan para la Escuela Primaria Central. El distrito está pidiendo más autonomía para convertir a la Central en una escuela de la comunidad que ofrezca varios servicios de apoyo.

El estado había permitido que el distrito procediera con el plan el mes pasado, pero los Miembros de la Junta Estatal tienen que dar la aprobación final en junio o emitir otra orden de acción, que podría todavía incluir su cierre.

Anthes señaló la posibilidad de que, si los esfuerzos de mejorar del distrito tienen éxito antes de que se cree el plan de reorganización, quizás la Junta Estatal cambie de parecer.

“Es posible que el distrito implemente estos planes, que veamos que los resultados empiezan a cambiar, y que la junta entonces reevalúe su decisión”, dijo. “Quizás la orden de reorganización se cancele. Mientras tanto, las escuelas están abiertas, los niños están asistiendo a clases, y nosotros queremos que esas escuelas mejoren.”

Yesenia Robles es reportera para Chalkbeat Colorado y cubre asuntos relacionados con los distritos escolares K-12 y la educación multilingüe. Comunícate con Yesenia escribiendo a yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

La vida es dura para los estudiantes de intermedia y secundaria que tienen dificultad para leer. Esta escuela pública de Colorado quiere ayudar.

2022-05-26T16:26:08+00:00

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Kaylee, estudiante de octavo grado vestida con un hoodie azul claro, le leyó una lista de palabras (una por una) a la maestra Jessica Thurby. Batalló un poco con algunas: Leyó ‘debate’ como “deblate”, sacred como “secret” y defend como “define.”

Ambas repasaron las palabras que Kaylee no leyó bien. Cuando intentó leer la palabra sacred otra vez, Kaylee dijo “Se ve como la palabra scared”.

“Así es,” dijo Thurby. “Por eso el cerebro adivinó automáticamente. Pero estamos tratando de no hacer eso, ¿recuerdas?”

Para los estudiantes que llegan a la escuela intermedia sin contar con buenas destrezas de lectura, estas palabras se convierten en barreras que les impiden entender y dificultan el aprendizaje. Un programa nuevo en la escuela Alameda International Junior/Senior High School de Lakewood está tratando de ayudar.

El programa Bright MINDS, lanzado el otoño pasado, ofrece tutorías intensivas de lectura para ayudar a 14 estudiantes de séptimo y octavo grado que tienen dislexia u otras dificultades para leer. Los líderes escolares tienen planes de agregar un grado cada año hasta que Bright MINDS incluya hasta el 12mo grado, y el objetivo final es que sirva de modelo para otras escuelas en el distrito Jeffco (cuya matrícula es de 78,000 estudiantes) y el resto del estado.

Bright MINDS ha surgido en un momento en que los líderes de educación de están bastante enfocados en mejorar la enseñanza de lectura en la primaria, con iniciativas que incluyen requisitos nuevos de capacitación para los maestros de Kinder hasta tercer grado, y límites más estrictos en el currículo de lectura. Pero aparte de ser un modesto programa de lectura subsidiado, quienes establecen las políticas en el estado le han dado muy poca atención a las decenas de miles de estudiantes de secundaria que tienen problemas para leer.

La especialista en aprendizaje/lectura Jessica Thurby trabaja con un estudiante del programa Bright MINDS. El programa comenzó con 14 estudiantes de séptimo y octavo grado, pero agregará un grado adicional cada año hasta llegar al duodécimo.

Los estudiantes que no saben leer bien enfrentan consecuencias a largo plazo. Están en mayor riesgo de abandonar la escuela, ganar menos ingresos como adultos, y de terminar en el sistema de justicia criminal.

Los líderes del departamento de educación estatal dicen que el rol de ellos es mínimo en cuanto a resolver el problema de estudiantes mayores que no saben leer, ya que no existe ley equivalente a la Ley READ de 2012, que los obliga a ayudar a los estudiantes más pequeños que estén batallando para leer.

“Como no hay una ley similar a la Ley READ, no existe estructura en cuanto a la lectura y escritura en [los grados] cuarto hasta 12”, dijo Floyd Cobb, director ejecutivo de enseñanza y aprendizaje en el Departamento de Educación de Colorado. “Esa responsabilidad recae mayormente en los distritos”.

Los expertos dicen que el panorama de control local de Colorado significa que hay una amplia variedad en los tipos de ayuda adicional provista a los estudiantes de secundaria que no leen bien — si es que hay alguna.

“Siempre somos honestos con las familias sobre el hecho de que, a medida que los estudiantes siguen subiendo de grado, a menudo hay menos recursos para el tipo de intervención recomendada”, dijo Laura Santerre-Lemmon, que dirige la clínica de neurosicología de desarrollo en la Universidad de Denver, un centro que frecuentemente hace evaluaciones de dislexia en niños.

Si bien los líderes educativos de Colorado han trabajado para mejorar la instrucción de lectura en la primaria, han prestado menos atención a los estudiantes de secundaria que tienen dificultades con la lectura.

Enemigo de la seguridad en sí mismos

La dislexia, una discapacidad de aprendizaje que afecta entre un 15% y 20% de la población, tiene la capacidad de ser devastadora para los estudiantes y hacer que las tareas escolares de rutina les causen estrés y vergüenza.

Elise, estudiante de 13 años y participante en el programa Bright MINDS, tartamudeaba al leer en voz alta en la primaria y los otros niños la llamaron estúpida porque leía lentamente y no sabía deletrear bien.

La niña de séptimo grado, que tiene dificultad para escuchar los sonidos de las palabras, recuerda cómo finalmente se memorizó la palabra “people” porque la maestra estaba bastante frustrada con ella.

“Memoricé muchas palabras de esa manera porque temía que ella se enojara conmigo”, dijo.

Aun después de identificar que un estudiante tiene dislexia, los problemas pueden persistir si no reciben el tipo adecuado de ayuda. Brody, otro estudiante de Bright MINDS, fue diagnosticado en quinto grado con dislexia y calificó para recibir servicios de educación especial. Su mamá, Kristina Trudeau, dijo que sin embargo no estaba teniendo progreso en su escuela en el condado de Adams.

Estaba leyendo a nivel de Kinder, y reconocía únicamente palabras básicas como “cat” y “dog”. En un momento, ella descubrió que el programa de lectura que los maestros de Brody estaban usando no era recomendado para estudiantes con dislexia.

Trudeau ha visto el impacto real de las dificultades para leer de Brody. Una noche lo encontró llorando solo en el cuarto de lavandería. Se había propuesto hacerse cena, pero no podía leer las instrucciones en el paquete de pasta china.

“Me rompió el corazón”, dijo Trudeau. “Él piensa de manera diferente. Aprende de manera diferente. Y merece que esas necesidades sean atendidas”.

¿Qué tan grande es el problema?

La escasez de datos hace difícil cuantificar cuántos estudiantes de intermedia y secundaria están teniendo problemas para leer en Colorado.

Más de la mitad de los estudiantes de intermedia en Colorado tuvieron puntuaciones de poco rendimiento en los exámenes de lectura y escritura del estado en 2019, el último año en que los estudiantes de sexto, séptimo y octavo grado tomaron el examen. Es una medida aproximada, sin embargo, en parte porque el estado no separa los resultados de lectura y de escritura.

El alcance de los problemas de lectura es más claro para los estudiantes más pequeños porque la ley de lectura de Colorado de 2012 requiere que las escuelas identifiquen a los estudiantes con problemas significativos de lectura desde Kinder hasta tercer grado y que definan planes para ayudarlos a mejorar. De hecho, el estado ha separado fondos para ayudar a este grupo de estudiantes.

La Asistente del Director de Alameda, Andrea Arguello (a la izquierda), diseñó el programa Bright MINDS junto con el sicólogo de la escuela, Todd Ognibene (a la derecha) y las maestras Jessica Thurby y Sarah Richards.

En contraste, para los estudiantes de cuarto hasta 12mo grado no existe ese requisito — y tampoco los fondos — aunque algunos estudiantes continúan sus planes de la ley READ por más tiempo después del tercer grado. Unos 48,000 estudiantes de Colorado en los grados cuarto hasta 12mo estaban en planes de la ley READ en 2021, lo cual representa un 8% de los estudiantes en esos grados.

Grado	No cumple las expectativas	Cumplio parcialmente	Se acercó a las expectativas	Total que no cumplieron
6	9.8%	18.3%	28.3%	56.4%
7	13.3%	16.9%	23.2%	53.4%
8	15.0%	16.2%	21.9%	53.1%

Porcentaje de estudiantes que no cumplieron expectativas en las pruebas de lectura CMAS

Estos datos vienen de las pruebas CMAS de literatura del 2019. Los estudiantes de secundaria toman las pruebas PSAT o SAT y no están representados.

Grado	Estudiantes
6	14.7%
7	11.7%
8	8.4%
9	6.1%
10	4.2%
11	2.6%

Porcentaje de estudiantes secundarios con plan de la ley READ en 2021

Pero muchos estudiantes con dificultad para leer nunca son identificados para tener un plan de lectura porque sus problemas no son lo suficientemente graves en los primeros grados o porque ellos ocultan sus debilidades con vocabulario avanzado, excelentes destrezas verbales, y otras estrategias de compensación. Esos estudiantes a menudo se las ingenian para seguir subiendo de grado con las calificaciones mínimas aunque no hayan captado gran parte de lo que leían.

Ese fue el caso de Collin, estudiante de séptimo grado y aficionado al lacrosse que vive en el distrito Jeffco y está matriculado en el programa Bright MINDS.

Su mamá, Leslie Dennis, dijo que hasta el segundo grado Collin podía tomar exámenes de lectura usando una herramienta que le leía los pasajes. A su hijo siempre le fue bien en los exámenes, pero en tercer grado tuvo que leer los pasajes por sí solo y sus puntuaciones bajaron drásticamente. Sin embargo, Collin no recibió un Plan de la ley READ; solamente recibió sesiones de ayuda para ayudarle a ser más fluido al leer — es decir, poder leer rápido, sin errores, y con la expresión apropiada.

Las sesiones no fueron suficiente. Collin obtuvo calificaciones promedio en toda la primaria, pero todavía titubeaba al leer algunas palabras, odiaba leer en voz alta, y se llamaba “tonto” a sí mismo.

Dennis sabía que el problema tenía que ser mayor, y dijo “pero no sabía exactamente cuál era”.

Finalmente, en quinto grado y siguiendo el consejo de otra mamá, llevó a su hijo a hacerse una prueba privada y descubrió que tenía dislexia.

Equidad y acceso

El programa Bright MINDS — donde ‘MINDS’ es la sigla de Multisensory Intensive Dyslexia Support — fue una idea de Jason Glass, pasado Superintendente del Distrito Jeffco, nos dijo Todd Ognibene, sicólogo escolar de Alameda y coordinador de Bright MINDS. Cuando Glass dejó de ser superintendente en 2020, otros administradores continuaron el plan.

“Salté de la alegría porque esto era algo que el distrito… finalmente reconoció que se necesitaba”, dijo Ognibene.

Alameda, donde casi tres cuartas partes de los estudiantes califican para comidas con subsidio, fue seleccionada para ser la sede del programa por su ubicación centralizada. Ognibene y Andrea Arguello, Asistente del Director de la escuela, diseñaron Bright MINDS junto con Thurby, maestra de educación especial, y Sarah Richards, maestra de inglés como segundo idioma y cuya hija tiene dislexia.

Para asegurar accesibilidad, no requieren un diagnóstico de dislexia, cuya prueba privada puede costar cientos de dólares. En su lugar, el equipo evalúa a los solicitantes del Distrito Jeffco y otros distritos del área metropolitana de Denver para detectar características asociadas con dislexia u otros problemas de lectura relacionados.

Encontrar un programa de dislexia estructurado dentro de una escuela pública es una agradable sorpresa para muchas familias. Las escuelas privadas que ofrecen servicios similares son bastante caras.

Algunos padres le han dicho a Ognibene, “Esto fue más difícil que encontrar una aguja en un pajar”.

Los estudiantes del programa reciben 80 minutos de lectura diarios. Aproximadamente la mitad recibe la ayuda más intensa, un programa de intervención aprobado por el estado llamado Wilson Reading System. La otra mitad, que cuenta con destrezas de lectura un poco mejores, usan Just Words, otro programa de Wilson.

Bright MINDS está apenas empezando, pero los primeros resultados son prometedores. Desde el otoño hasta el invierno, los estudiantes que participaron mejoraron un 68% más de lo esperado típicamente en lectura.

“Estoy agradecida… Por esto es que yo estaba exactamente peleando”, dijo Trudeau, la mamá de Brody. “No es justo asumir una deuda de $30,000 al año simplemente para que tu hijo reciba la educación correcta”,

Este año, Bright MINDS incluye algunos estudiantes que están en el programa de educación especial, algunos que tienen otros planes de aprendizaje, y otros que no tienen ningún plan. Algunos estudiantes hablan inglés como segundo idioma.

Los estudiantes del programa también reciben ayuda con destrezas como planificación y organización, ya que es común que otros trastornos ocurran junto con la dislexia, como por ejemplo déficit de atención/hiperactividad.

Los estudiantes de Bright MINDS no tienen que faltar a sus clases básicas para asistir a su clase diaria de lectura. En su lugar, simplemente no se matriculan en una de las clases electivas. Además, Thurby o Richards los acompañan en sus clases básicas para asegurar que estén recibiendo la ayuda necesaria para absorber el contenido.

Arguello, que también tiene dislexia, recuerda el impacto que tenía ser sacada de las clases generales en la escuela para recibir ayuda con la lectura.

“Me tomó mucho tiempo ponerme al día”, dijo.

La especialista en lectura Sarah Richards (a la derecha) mide un minuto durante un descanso del programa Bright MINDS. El programa ha tenido resultados prometedores hasta ahora, y los estudiantes han mostrado una mejora 68% mayor desde el otoño al invierno de la que normalmente se anticiparía.

Cambio en la atención

Hay señales de que pronto habrá más ayuda para los estudiantes de los grados mayores.

En 2020, el gobierno federal le otorgó $16 millones en grants a los distritos de Colorado para ser destinados a iniciativas de lectura y escritura que cubran desde la niñez temprana hasta la secundaria. Hasta ahora diez distritos han recibido los grants, y estos incluyen Aurora, Cherry Creek, St. Vrain Valley, Harrison, Lewis-Palmer y Sheridan.

Además, esta primavera se aprobará una ley para requerir que los directores de primaria y los intervencionistas que trabajan con estudiantes de cuarto hasta 12mo grado completen una capacitación en enseñanza de lectura similar a la que ya se les requiere a los maestros de los grados K-3.

Jill Youngren, consultora que está ayudando a los distritos St. Vrain y Sheridan con sus grants, aboga por una estrategia sistémica para ayudar a los estudiantes que están batallando con la lectura — asegurar que los educadores usen las evaluaciones correctas, identifiquen el problema raíz, y sepan cómo impartir enseñanza que resuelva la brecha.

“Si se empieza temprano todo eso se puede evitar, pero no podemos tirar la toalla por un niño que no recibió la instrucción correcta y decir, ah pues, lo sentimos, así es la vida, qué pena”.

Los estudiantes de Bright MINDS y sus padres dicen que este año el programa los ha ayudado con mucho más que lectura, deletreo y redacción. Ha logrado que la experiencia de tener dislexia se siente menos aislante.

“Ha sido excelente”, dijo Elise, “Es como tener un montón de hermanos y más padres que te están cuidando”.

Una encuesta rápida de las metas profesionales entre los estudiantes de Bright MINDS demostró una gran variedad: Astronomía, medicina, guardabosque, ingeniería y jugador de béisbol. Ognibene dijo que la prioridad es empoderar a los estudiantes para que logren sus metas.

“Queremos que se gradúen de Alameda sabiendo que esencialmente no existe opción que no puedan perseguir”, dijo.

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Ann Schimke es reportera senior en Chalkbeat y cubre temas de niñez temprana y de lectura y escritura en la niñez temprana. Comunícate con Ann escribiéndole a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado cuenta con grandes brechas de quién termina la universidad. ¿Puede un esfuerzo pospandémico cambiar esta tendencia?

2022-09-15T11:59:00+00:00

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Reginaldo Haro-Flores sabía que terminar la universidad iba a ser una batalla cuesta arriba.

Ya que fue el primero en su familia en asistir a la universidad, enfrentó desafíos para pagar la colegiatura, comprar libros y otros materiales y balancear un trabajo mientras seguía ayudando a mantener a sus padres, quienes cuestionaban el valor de una educación universitaria.

Haro-Flores se inscribió en la Universidad del Norte de Colorado (UNC, por sus siglas en inglés) en 2016, junto con una creciente cantidad de coloradenses latinos que se encaminaron a la universidad en la última década. Pero como muchos en su generación, Haro-Flores nunca completó sus estudios, lo cual contribuyó a una brecha persistente en la graduación universitaria.

Aunque un grupo más diverso de estudiantes se inscribió en la universidad, las brechas étnicas y raciales de Colorado entre los estudiantes con licenciaturas y estudios de posgrado casi no cambió entre 2010 y 2020, según datos del Censo.

Las brechas son aún mayores entre las personas que están cursando estudios superiores. En 2020, casi el 60 por ciento de los residentes blancos tenía algún tipo de certificación universitaria, incluidos certificados industriales. Pero solo el 38 por ciento de los residentes negros y 25 por ciento de los residentes latinos lo tenían.

Aunque otros estados también muestran brechas, el Estado Centenario cuenta con algunas de las mayores en el país entre los estudiantes negros y latinos y sus compañeros blancos.

La diferencia probablemente aumentará cuando el impacto total de la pandemia se entienda claramente debido a que estudiantes se salieron de la escuela o eligieron no seguir asistiendo a la universidad. Un mercado laboral próspero también ha causado que las personas se cuestionen si vale la pena endeudarse a largo plazo por un título universitario.

Haro-Flores nunca pensó que su experiencia imitaría estas tendencias estatales. En 2018, enfrentando dificultades para pagar la colegiatura, dejó de asistir a la universidad. El estatus migratorio de sus padres significaba que tenía pocas opciones para obtener asistencia financiera. Se volvió a inscribir en UNC en 2019, pero la pandemia lo obligó a salirse otra vez. No le gustaban las clases virtuales y quería encontrar un trabajo de tiempo completo para ayudar a sus padres, quienes habían perdido sus trabajos temporales en bodegas y viveros por recortes de personal.

Durante cierto tiempo, Colorado ha querido cambiar su estrategia de importar una gran cantidad de trabajadores con estudios universitarios para producirlos aquí mismo. Parte de su estrategia este año incluye invertir $49 millones de fondos de asistencia federal por la pandemia con el objetivo de ayudar a los residentes que nunca completaron sus estudios para que regresen a la universidad y se gradúen.

La necesidad es urgente, ya que la demanda de más trabajadores con capacitación universitaria, junto con el creciente costo de vida en Colorado, han complicado los esfuerzos de los empleadores para contratar y retener empleados.

El exsenador estatal Mike Johnston dijo que el estado ha dependido por mucho tiempo de atraer talento de otros lugares.

“Le hemos sacado provecho a esta estrategia lo más posible”, Johnston dijo. Johnston es presidente y director ejecutivo de Gary Ventures, una organización filantrópica dedicada a promover una mejor preparación escolar, el éxito entre los jóvenes y la movilidad económica.

“Ahora vamos a tener que equipar a nuestros propios jóvenes con las habilidades que necesitan para ingresar a los trabajos que tenemos, que les darán el ingreso que necesitan para pagar por la vivienda que tenemos”, dijo.

Reginaldo Haro-Flores levanta la mano durante una clase sobre administración deportiva este mes en la Universidad del Norte de Colorado en Greeley.

Los antiguos desafíos chocan con los nuevos

Chalkbeat Colorado examinó las tendencias de la asistencia a la universidad como parte de Chasing Progress, un proyecto de Colorado News Collaborative sobre la equidad social, económica y en salud de los coloradenses negros y latinos.

Las bajas tasas de asistencia a la universidad en Colorado tienen antecedentes profundos y causas complicadas. En general, solo la mitad de todos los graduados de high school se inscriben en la universidad. Los estudiantes negros y latinos que se gradúan de high school, quienes con frecuencia asisten a escuelas con menos recursos y reciben menos apoyo, asisten en porcentajes mucho menores. Cuando sí van a la universidad, muchos no completan sus estudios. Y, por años, el estado no ha invertido suficientes fondos en la educación superior, lo que significa que las universidades tienen menos dinero para apoyar a los estudiantes hasta que se gradúan.

Datos censales publicados este año muestran que en 2020 el 48 por ciento de los residentes blancos tenían una licenciatura o estudios de posgrado. Ese porcentaje es 21 puntos porcentuales mayor que el porcentaje de adultos negros y 31 puntos porcentuales mayor que el de los latinos.

Datos estatales muestran que esas desigualdades aumentan cuando se comparan otros tipos de estudios superiores, como los certificados industriales y títulos asociados.

Colorado está buscando apoyar a 700,000 residentes con estudios universitarios parciales pero sin un título para que regresen a la universidad.

La pandemia todavía presenta desafíos. A nivel nacional, la tasa de inscripciones en universidades se redujo en casi 1 millón de estudiantes desde que COVID empezó.

El estado necesitará convencer a más residentes de que los estudios universitarios importan, aunque trabajos de nivel básico ahora ofrecen salarios más altos que nunca.

Más gente se cuestiona si un título universitario vale la pena y el riesgo de endeudarse mucho para pagarlo, dijo Iris Palmer, subdirectora de colegios comunitarios en New America. Este instituto de investigaciones aboga a favor del acceso equitativo a la educación.

“Eso está empezando a degradar lo que la gente piensa sobre la educación superior”, dijo.

El estado busca equipar al 66 por ciento de los residentes con un certificado universitario o superior para 2025, pero la combinación de problemas hace que este objetivo parezca más difícil de alcanzar que nunca.

Sin acceso a trabajos que paguen más, se está dejando atrás a la mayoría de los residentes negros, hispanos e indoamericanos de Colorado, dijo Courtney Brown, vicepresidenta de impacto y planeación con Lumina Foundation. La fundación promueve el acceso más equitativo a la enseñanza superior y ha ayudado a estados para que fijen metas. (Lumina proporciona respaldo financiero a Chalkbeat. Haz clic aquí para ver una lista de otras entidades que nos respaldan y lee nuestra norma de ética.)

Reginaldo Haro-Flores se despide de Alexis Vallejos-Diaz después de una sesión de mentoría en la biblioteca de la Universidad del Norte de Colorado.

Cómo hacer que los estudiantes terminen lo que empezaron

Líderes en Colorado están dando pasos para crear más oportunidades.

El estado ha estado animando a las escuelas de high school para que agreguen cursos de nivel universitario que ayuden a sus estudiantes a obtener certificados. Creó una beca en 2014 para ofrecer asistencia con la colegiatura y otros recursos para estudiantes que los necesitan.

En los últimos dos años, el estado nombró a un director estatal de equidad para que se enfoque en reducir las brechas persistentes y reunir a los legisladores y líderes comunitarios en la creación de un plan que aproveche fondos de asistencia por la pandemia para conectar a estudiantes universitarios con oportunidades laborales.

Aunque esos programas han tenido éxito, el estado sigue quedándose corto, dijo Angie Paccione, directora ejecutiva del Departamento de Educación Superior de Colorado.

Por eso el estado agregó más programas. Parecen prometedores, Palmer dijo. Por ejemplo, 30 universidades y colegios comunitarios adoptaron el programa Termina lo que Empezaste, el cual se diseñó con base en una exitosa iniciativa del Colegio Comunitario de Pueblo. El estado busca beneficiar a más de 9,000 estudiantes para 2026.

El programa proporciona ayuda financiera para que los estudiantes regresen a la escuela y asesoría para crear planes individuales, además de maneras de cumplir con los planes y encontrar un trabajo después de que terminen sus estudios. Los asesores también ayudan a los estudiantes para que encuentren ayuda en el colegio o universidad, o fuera de ellos, que ofrezca apoyo para poner comida sobre la mesa o cuidar a sus hijos.

Aunque el dinero es un enorme incentivo, es crucial ayudar a los estudiantes para que crean que pueden terminar la universidad, dijo Richie Ince, director del programa de Pueblo: Regreso para Ganar. Él y su equipo se comunican con cada estudiante cada dos semanas para aconsejarlo, animarlo o conectarlo con recursos.

“Creo que somos muy exitosos debido a ese toque personal y solo porque estamos pendientes de ellos, realmente desde el momento en que regresan hasta el momento en que terminan”, Ince dijo.

El programa de Termina lo que Empezaste hizo que Haro-Flores, ahora de 24 años, regresara a la escuela. Se enteró del programa a través de uno de sus exconsejeros de high school. La asistencia financiera y asesoría que ha recibido casi parecen demasiadas buenas para ser verdad, dijo.

No hubiera regresado a la escuela por tercera vez sin el programa y sus fondos, dijo. Los coordinadores de Termina lo que Empezaste en UNC le dijeron que lo ayudarían con lo que necesitara. Así ha sido, Haro-Flores dijo. Ahora se siente seguro de que podrá terminar su licenciatura en ciencias del deporte.

“Este es el momento”, dijo.

Espera graduarse en 2024 y trabajar en la industria del deporte o en administración.

La ayuda que Reginaldo Haro-Flores ha recibido a través del programa Termina lo que Empezaste en UNC lo ha motivado a terminar su licenciatura en ciencias del deporte.

¿Puede mantener Colorado este esfuerzo?

Quienes abogan a favor de la educación superior dicen que Colorado también debe terminar lo que empezó al promover que los estudiantes terminen la universidad. El estado, el cual subfinancia seriamente la educación superior en comparación con otros estados, según demuestran estudios, debe seguir invirtiendo más dinero para mantener el buen camino.

A Paccione, la directora ejecutiva de educación superior del estado, le gusta decirles a los legisladores que “inviertan en los estudiantes ahora o páguenles después”.

“Si no inviertes en los estudiantes ahora, estos son los mismos estudiantes que terminarán en nuestro sistema público de seguridad social”, dijo. Estudios confirman esto.

Estudios también demuestran que vale la pena que un estudiante invierta en una educación universitaria. Michael Itzkowitz, quien trabaja para el centro intelectual de izquierda Third Way, dijo que los datos en años recientes permiten que las escuelas destaquen qué tan buenos son sus programas para que los estudiantes obtengan un trabajo y cuánto valen la pena. Cerca del 86 por ciento de todos los programas universitarios públicos producen, en cinco años, una ganancia en lo que los estudiantes gastan en su educación, dijo.

Y también hay beneficios sociales. Alfred Tatum, vicepresidente de asuntos académicos en la Universidad Estatal Metropolitana de Denver (MSU Denver, por sus siglas en inglés), dijo que la universidad ayuda a los estudiantes a conectarse con servicios de salud, participar más cívicamente y contribuir más a los impuestos estatales. En lugar del objetivo general de educar a la población en general, los líderes estatales deben tomar en cuenta cómo las personas que se gradúan de la universidad mejoran sus comunidades, dijo.

Pero comunicar esos beneficios a los estudiantes puede ser difícil cuando a algunos les preocupa el costo.

Durante las últimas dos décadas, la carga de pagar por la educación universitaria en Colorado se ha transferido más a los estudiantes y sus familias. Los ingresos de la colegiatura financian el 74 por ciento de los presupuestos universitarios para títulos de cuatro años y el 38 por ciento de los presupuestos de los títulos de dos años. Esos porcentajes son más altos, en promedio, que en la mayoría de los estados.

Janine Davidson, presidenta de MSU Denver, y John Marshall, presidente de Colorado Mesa University, dijeron que los legisladores deben invertir adecuadamente en las universidades para que puedan reducir los costos de sus estudiantes y mejorar los servicios de apoyo para aquellos estudiantes que necesitan más ayuda para terminar la universidad.

Sin una fuente constante de ingresos, a los administradores y al personal de las universidades les preocupa que los esfuerzos de Colorado se debiliten cuando los fondos federales únicos se acaben.

Esperan que las historias de éxito, como la de Darryl Sharpton, destaquen la importancia de seguir invirtiendo.

Sharpton, de 46 años, ha intentado varias veces en tres estados terminar la universidad. Ahora piensa que finalmente lo logrará. En el Colegio Comunitario de Aurora, ha encontrado más apoyo que nunca.

Está estudiando para obtener su título en ciencias de la computación. La educación superior le ha permitido desarrollar una perspectiva diferente, sobre su propio potencial y lo que vale.

“Quiero [tener] una carrera, no solo un trabajo”, Sharpton dijo, quien anteriormente trabajó entregando productos farmacéuticos.

“Hay tanta gente que quiere que triunfes”, dijo. “Mi escuela realmente me está cuidando ahora”.

Tina Griego, una periodista de Colorado News Collaborative, contribuyó a este reportaje.

Jason Gonzales es un reportero que cubre la enseñanza superior y la legislatura de Colorado. Chalkbeat Colorado se asocia con Open Campus para su cobertura sobre la educación superior. Comunícate con Jason a jgonzales@chalkbeat.org.

Comisionada dice que el distrito escolar de Adams 14 no tiene que reorganizarse

2023-09-08T19:45:03+00:00

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El distrito escolar de Adams 14 no se verá obligado a reorganizarse.

Al aceptar una recomendación presentada en agosto por un comité, la comisionada de educación para Colorado, Susana Córdova, liberó al distrito escolar de una orden del Consejo de Educación del Estado que lo obligaba a reorganizarse. Este proceso pudo haber resultado en cierres de escuelas o que distritos vecinos integraran partes del distrito.

La decisión del estado se envió al comité de reorganización el 30 de agosto.

En ella, la comisionada señala que la ley no permite una reorganización cuando los distritos circundantes no están dispuestos a replantear sus límites geográficos.

“No beneficiaría los intereses de ningún distrito involucrado invertir más recursos o tiempo en este asunto si no existe un interés básico entre los distritos circundantes”, la respuesta declara. “No habrá más expectativas de que el proceso de reorganización continúe”.

Los representantes de Adams 14 celebraron la derrota del intento del estado.

“La Ley de Reorganización de Distritos Escolares en Colorado es un proceso anticuado y no comprobado que no funciona y que no debería incluirse en el sistema para rendir cuentas”, dijo Reneé Lovato, presidenta del consejo escolar de Adams 14 y presidenta del comité de reorganización, en una declaración publicada el 1º de septiembre. “No hizo más que causar miedo e incertidumbre entre los estudiantes, el personal y la comunidad”.

La superintendenta Karla Loría agradeció la ayuda de los distritos vecinos y dijo en una declaración que “es nuestra ferviente esperanza que el Consejo Estatal deje de implementar medidas negativas contra Adams 14 y nos permita enfocarnos en nuestros estudiantes”.

El Consejo Estatal ordenó que Adams 14 se reorganizara en mayo de 2022. En noviembre de 2018, el Consejo Estatal había ordenado que el distrito, basado en la comunidad de clase trabajadora de Commerce City, cediera el control a una gerencia externa, lo cual se inició en 2019. La orden de reorganización de 2022 sucedió después de que una nueva superintendenta expulsara al grupo gerencial externo, MGT, del distrito.

Esta semana, los líderes de Adams 14 publicitaron avances en sus calificaciones como prueba de que van por buen camino. Las mejoras todavía no son suficientes como para que el distrito deje de seguir lo que se conoce como el “reloj para rendir cuentas”. Según la ley estatal, a las escuelas o los distritos que reciben una de las dos calificaciones más bajas se los coloca “bajo el reloj” y tienen cinco años para demostrar mejoras antes de enfrentarse a órdenes del Consejo de Educación del Estado.

Adams 14 fue el primer distrito escolar en Colorado a quien le ordenaron reorganizarse como una consecuencia de múltiples años con bajas calificaciones en su desempeño. El distrito ha desafiado la orden de reorganización en los tribunales. Queda pendiente una decisión de la Corte Suprema de Colorado sobre si el estado tiene la autoridad de forzar a un distrito para que se reorganice.

Mientras tanto, Adams 14 formó un comité con integrantes de los distritos vecinos—el primer paso necesario hacia la organización. El grupo se reunió cuatro veces, pero en lugar de diseñar un plan borrador para cerrar escuelas, cambiar límites geográficos o disolver el distrito, adoptó una recomendación de 40 páginas que encontró que la reorganización no beneficiaría los intereses del distrito.

La carta con la decisión de Córdova señala: “El comité busca una autorización para dar por terminado el proceso antes de [realizar] audiencias con la comunidad porque no hay nuevos límites [geográficos] que presentarle a la comunidad”. Debido a que el estado entregó el proceso para que la comunidad lo liderara, el estado ahora tiene la opción de decir que el proceso se completó, Córdova escribió.

Córdova también señala que si partes del distrito de Adams 14 tuvieran que votar para decidir que las integre o no un distrito escolar vecino con un mayor impuesto sobre la propiedad, también tendrían que votar para aprobar ese impuesto mayor—algo que probablemente no suceda en el distrito con bajos ingresos donde han fracasado múltiples veces medidas relacionadas con aumentar los impuestos.

Aunque el distrito ya no estará obligado a reorganizarse, sigue estando obligado bajo una segunda orden del Consejo Estatal de contratar a un gerente parcial para que lo ayude con su trabajo de mejoras, la decisión dice.

“Desafortunadamente, el Consejo Estatal recibió una notificación esta semana de que Adams 14 no renovará su contrato con TNTP, y el trabajo de TNTP se ha suspendido en el distrito”, la decisión estatal menciona. “Esto es una sorpresa”.

Los líderes del distrito dicen que el costo del contrato de TNTP es una de las principales razones por las que suspendieron su trabajo, y en su notificación al estado dijeron que tanto la organización sin fines de lucro como el distrito acordaron suspender el trabajo mientras llegan a un acuerdo.

Adams 14 había firmado un contrato con TNTP en el verano de 2022. El contrato iba a ser por tres años con un valor total de $5 millones durante ese período.

Representantes del estado le dijeron a Chalkbeat que habían ofrecido aumentar los fondos para las mejoras del distrito en $350,000, para un total de $1.2 millones este año. “Esperamos que esto ayude a que el distrito continúe su trabajo con TNTP”, dice una declaración del departamento.

Yesenia Robles es una reportera para Chalkbeat Colorado, cubriendo distritos escolares de kindergarten a 12º grado y la educación multilingüe. Comunícate con Yesenia por correo electrónico a yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Maestros en Denver tratan de ayudar a estudiantes migrantes con la vivienda

2023-10-03T19:55:41+00:00

Chalkbeat Colorado es un noticiero local sin fines de lucro que informa sobre las escuelas públicas en Denver y otros distritos. Suscríbete a nuestro boletín gratis por email en español para recibir lo último en noticias sobre educación dos veces al mes.

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Conforme aumenta la cantidad de migrantes que llegan a diario a Denver, las escuelas están empezando a ver una cantidad significativa de estudiantes nuevos. Y a los educadores les preocupa cómo ayudar a las familias migrantes que alcanzan el límite del apoyo oficial.

En la Escuela de Lenguaje Dual Bryant Webster en Denver, algunos maestros dicen tener salones con 38 estudiantes—una cantidad mucho mayor que el año pasado. Un maestro que evalúa a estudiantes cuya lengua materna no es el inglés ha tenido que evaluar a 60 estudiantes este año, un aumento en comparación con un puñado en años típicos. Y están tratando de ayudar a estudiantes que han vivido experiencias traumáticas, aprendiendo a guiarse en un nuevo país y en un nuevo sistema escolar.

“Trabajas todo el día y solo quieres asegurarte de hacer todo lo posible con los recursos que tienes así que estableces relaciones con los niños, y tienes la conexión con ellos”, dijo Alex Nelson, un maestro de cuarto grado en Byrant Webster. “Luego te enteras de su historia”.

Los estudiantes que llegaron alrededor del comienzo del año escolar y estaban empezando a adaptarse están enfrentando un nuevo obstáculo y una nueva experiencia traumática. Las familias reciben solo 30 días de estadía en un hotel o albergue que la ciudad paga—para las familias que lleguen a partir del 4 de octubre el plazo será de 37 días. Pero luego tienen que encontrar otro lugar para vivir. En una ciudad con alquileres desorbitados donde muchos residentes antiguos también enfrentan dificultades para encontrar vivienda, los recién llegados a veces terminan sin un lugar donde vivir.

La primera vez que una familia migrante con niños en Bryant Webster alcanzó el límite de su cupón de vivienda, los maestros y una pasante de la escuela invirtieron horas llamando a albergues y a cualquier otro lugar imaginable para tratar de encontrar un lugar donde la familia pudiera quedarse. Se encontraron con listas de espera y muchas opciones que no llevaron a nada.

“No sabíamos lo que pasaba después de que el cupón [para la vivienda] se acababa hasta que una de las nuevas familias dijo: ‘Nuestra estadía se acabó y no sabemos a dónde ir esta noche’”, Nelson dijo. “Nunca habíamos estado preparados así que no sabíamos cómo manejarlo”.

La familia terminó yéndose a pasar la noche en un automóvil, aunque Nelson dijo que los representantes del distrito lograron conectar con ellos más tarde esa noche. Sin embargo, Nelson dijo que fue muy difícil para toda la escuela terminar el día así.

Como en la escuelas de la ciudad de Nueva York y otros distritos escolares alrededor del país, los representantes de las escuelas de Denver son de los primeros en recibir solicitudes de ayuda de las familias migrantes. En Denver, algunos maestros apenas empiezan a conectar sus esfuerzos con agencias sin fines de lucro, a través del sindicato de maestros, y con otras organizaciones, pero la coordinación sigue siendo esporádica.

Y hasta cuando trabajan juntos, hay obstáculos intimidantes. Después de la duración limitada de los cupones de vivienda que la ciudad les ofrece a los migrantes, los varios servicios sociales disponibles tienen diferentes reglas que pueden crear confusión sobre lo que pone en peligro o no el estatus legal de los migrantes. Y la posible coincidencia entre la ayuda para migrantes y el apoyo para las personas sin hogar en la ciudad es algo que los funcionarios de Denver están tratando de evitar.

Después de ayudar a la primera familia de Bryant Webster, los maestros se enteraron de que había más familias en la misma situación. Algunas organizaciones están ayudando, pero cada vez que una nueva familia se presenta, a los maestros les preocupa si podrán encontrar ayuda. Por lo menos tres más enfrentan la pérdida de su vivienda este fin de semana.

“Realmente puedes sentir el estrés de los niños. Altera todo”, dijo Cecilia Quintanilla, una maestra de educación temprana en la escuela.

Migrantes recién llegados esperan para que los procesen en el centro de admisiones para migrantes en Denver el 28 de septiembre de 2023.

Las escuelas se unen al esfuerzo de Denver de ayudar a los migrantes para que encuentren la estabilidad

En este momento, es difícil saber qué tan generalizado es el aumento de migrantes en las escuelas.

Los representantes del distrito escolar en Denver no respondieron a solicitudes de sus comentarios. Los maestros en Bryant Webster creen que han llegado alrededor de 60 estudiantes migrantes nuevos después del primer día de clases y siguen llegando. Otros distritos escolares en el estado están reportando grandes aumentos de recién llegados, el término que las escuelas usan para hablar sobre estudiantes que están llegando a Estados Unidos provenientes de otros países en los últimos meses.

El Departamento de Educación de Colorado no da seguimiento a esas cifras, y sus representantes dijeron que las escuelas no les han pedido apoyo para lidiar con esos aumentos.

Los representantes de la ciudad de Denver dijeron que hasta la semana pasada la ciudad estaba dando albergue a 456 niños menores de 16 años. La ciudad ha observado hasta 250 migrantes nuevos que llegan por día, pero las cantidades de niños esta semana no están disponibles.

En otra escuela de Denver, Escuela Valdez, la maestra Jessica Dominguez calcula que han recibido alrededor de 20 estudiantes recién llegados este año. Esta semana, se enteraron de una familia que había estado durmiendo afuera después de perder su albergue. Los educadores se quedaron despiertos hasta tarde tratando de encontrarles un lugar donde quedarse y lo lograron. Pero eso no siempre es así.

“Los niños son parte de esto ahora”, dijo. “Eso pone una cara diferente a lo que quizás pensemos es la falta de hogar”.

Dominguez no es la única persona que se siente así. El alcalde de Denver Mike Johnston, un exmaestro, dijo en una conferencia de prensa el jueves que ha visto a niños durmiendo bajo mantas con familias afuera del edificio Wellington Webb de la ciudad mientras esperan a que lleguen los empleados para pedirles ayuda.

“Ningún niño debería estar en ese contexto”, Johnston dijo.

Más temprano ese mismo día, en una centro de admisiones para migrantes en el nordeste de Denver, una cantidad constante de hombres, mujeres y niños llegaron para que los procesaran. El horario oficial es de 8 de la mañana a 5 de la tarde, pero el personal con frecuencia empieza antes y se queda hasta que todos tienen un lugar donde ir.

Algunos de los recién llegados tienen familia en el área de Denver y piden venir aquí o hasta se abren camino por sí solos. Otros se suben en autobuses que vienen de El Paso sin importar su destino y luego necesitan hacer un plan.

Ya hicieron un viaje riesgoso y superaron muchos obstáculos para escapar de situaciones peligrosas en sus países de origen.

Jon Ewing, un vocero con el departamento de Servicios Humanos de Denver, dijo que los recién llegados son inteligentes, habilidosos y bien organizados.

Los empleados de la ciudad obtienen datos básicos sobre los recién llegados, proporcionan información de contacto para servicios sociales relevantes, y los orientan a un albergue. Las personas solas podrían recibir 21 días de albergue gratis, y las familias podían recibir 30 días. Ahora las familias recibirán 37 días de albergue gratis, pero con más personas llegando cada día, las personas solas solo recibirán 14 días. La ciudad no está monitoreando lo que sucede después de eso.

“Treinta días no es mucho tiempo para organizar tu vida, y lo entendemos”, Ewing dijo en una entrevista antes del cambio. “Pero tenemos que mover a la gente. Hay un límite en lo que podemos hacer”.

Ewing dijo que el personal de la ciudad está trabajando para coordinar lo mejor posible las agencias sin fines de lucro, los servicios de la ciudad y el distrito escolar—hay chats de grupos grandes sonando todo el día.

Ewing dijo que la ciudad trata de asegurar que las personas entiendan lo costoso que Denver es para poder tomar decisiones informadas. Pero quizás tengan buenas razones para quedarse aquí.

Ewing dijo que los grupos de migrantes y de personas sin hogar son muy diferentes y enfrentan diferentes desafíos. A los recién llegados nunca los mandan a refugios para personas sin hogar, y muchos de los servicios se proporcionan por diferentes medio para responder a las diversas necesidades de cada grupo.

También hay diferentes fuentes financieras con diferentes reglas, en lo relacionado con proporcionar servicios a ciudadanos y residentes de EE. UU. sin hogar, en comparación con migrantes solicitando asilo u otro estatus migratorio protegido.

Y luego existen las inquietudes legales. Cathy Alderman, directora de comunicaciones y presidenta de políticas públicas en la Coalición para Personas sin Hogar en Colorado, dijo que a organizaciones como la suya también les preocupa que, sin querer, se proporcionen recursos que puedan afectar la habilidad de las personas de obtener un estatus legal. Esta es una preocupación común que escuchan entre los migrantes, y una sobre la cual Alderman y su equipo no tienen suficiente experiencia para manejar.

Sin embargo, Alderman dijo que algunas de las familias migrantes quizás puedan obtener ayuda con la vivienda a través de la coalición, pero cumplir los requisitos toma tiempo.

“El problema es que en este momento tenemos a [muchas personas] en el sistema esperando obtener vivienda”, Alderman dijo. “Ese sistema conecta [a personas] con vivienda basado en vulnerabilidades. Es un proceso. Indudablemente no se mueve rápido”.

Dijo que otro problema para las familias es encontrar vivienda asequible con varias habitaciones. Los cupones para la vivienda a largo plazo, como los de la Sección 8, con frecuencia no cubren una gran parte de los alquileres que la gente quizás encuentre en Denver.

“En Denver específicamente tenemos un cantidad muy, muy, muy mínima de vivienda realmente asequible”, dijo. “Tenemos muchas unidades a precio de mercado y de lujo que están vacías”.

Con todos los desafíos que los estudiantes migrantes y sus familias están enfrentando, los maestros dicen que agradecen que tantas personas estén trabajando para proporcionar ayuda. Pero también desearían estar mejor preparados para ayudar a los estudiantes y las familias que acuden a ellos con preocupaciones tan grandes.

“No tenemos lo que necesitamos para darles la bienvenida a estas familias a la mejor vida que estaban buscando”, Nelson dijo. “Realmente es difícil ver las consecuencias de eso”.

Erica Meltzer, la corresponsal jefa, cubre temas de leyes y políticas educativas y supervisa la cobertura sobre educación de Chalkbeat Colorado. Comunícate con Erica por correo electrónico a emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

¿Los padres quieren que Colorado tenga exámenes estandarizados? Depende a quién se le pregunte

2021-02-17T20:07:48+00:00

Uno de los debates que está tomando importancia en la sesión legislativa de Colorado en 2021 es si se deben tener exámenes estandarizados en medio de una pandemia, y está dividiendo las opiniones de los defensores de la educación y también de los funcionarios electos.

¿Pero qué quieren los padres? Para indicar que el público general está de acuerdo con ellos, los grupos de defensa han publicado resultados de encuestas que han llegado a conclusiones opuestas.

Una encuesta de 600 votantes registrados comisionada por la organización Democrats for Education Reform (el grupo afiliado con Colorado Succeeds) y el grupo conservador de defensa Ready Colorado encontró que un 62% de los encuestados apoya dar exámenes estandarizados si no se usarán para sancionar a las escuelas o maestros cuando el desempeño estudiantil sea deficiente.

“A los padres les preocupa mucho la pérdida de aprendizaje este año y la calidad de enseñanza que están recibiendo sus hijos”, dijo Leslie Colwell de la Colorado Children’s Campaign. La organización no estuvo involucrada en la encuesta, pero citó los resultados en un comunicado de prensa pidiendo que el estado mantenga los exámenes este año.

Otra encuesta de más de 700 votantes activos comisionada por la Colorado Education Association (el sindicato de maestros más grande del estado), la Colorado Association of School Executives (que representa a los superintendentes), la Colorado Association of School Boards, y la Colorado Rural Schools Alliance encontró que un 58% de los encuestados quiere que este año se cancelen los exámenes, conocidos como CMAS.

“Como madre y educadora, sé que muchos padres quieren saber cómo les está yendo a sus hijos en la escuela”, dijo Amie Baca-Oehlert, presidenta de la Colorado Education Association. “Pero los exámenes CMAS no nos darán la respuesta”.

Para suspender los exámenes, Colorado necesitará un permiso del gobierno federal o se arriesga a perder millones en fondos federales. Una de las primeras decisiones importantes de Miguel Cardona, el nominado a Secretario de Educación del Presidente Biden, será si se emitirán esos permisos o no. En su audiencia de confirmación esta semana, Cardona dio señales mixtas, diciendo que no tiene sentido traer a los estudiantes de enseñanza a remoto a la escuela solamente para darles un examen, pero que es importante tomar en cuenta la pérdida de aprendizaje.

Ese es el mismo debate que se está dando en Colorado.

La Senadora Estatal Rachel Zenzinger, demócrata de Arvada, tiene planes de presentar una legislación para que el Departamento de Educación de Colorado pida un permiso del gobierno federal. Obtener ese permiso pondría a la legislatura “al volante”, dijo ella, y espera que sus colegas estén de acuerdo en cancelar los exámenes.

“Si uno analiza bien por qué queremos dar este examen, qué información estamos buscando, la respuesta más común que escuchará es que la gente quiere saber lo siguiente: ¿Hubo pérdida de aprendizaje?” dijo ella. “Pero cuando recibamos los resultados de ese examen, ¿qué tan útiles nos resultarán?”

Los exámenes están programados este año para abril y mayo, más tarde de lo acostumbrado, y hasta en años normales los distritos escolares no reciben los resultados hasta el verano. Los presupuestos del estado y los distritos escolares ya estarán definidos para esa fecha, dijo Zenzinger, y los estudiantes del próximo año se ubicarán en grupos de lectura y matemáticas basándose en su desempeño al empezar el año escolar, no en los resultados de los CMAS de la primavera anterior.

Los distritos escolares de Colorado han dicho que será sumamente difícil administrar los exámenes, ya que requerirá que recuperen y preparen las miles de computadoras portátiles enviadas a la casas de los estudiantes para poder aprender a remoto. Los requisitos de distanciamiento social y cuarentena también podrían hacer que tome más tiempo administrar los exámenes. Y ellos anticipan que menos estudiantes tomen el examen (especialmente aquellos que estén todavía aprendiendo a remoto debido a las inquietudes de salud de las familias), lo cual hará que los datos no sean fiables.

Quienes apoyan continuar con los exámenes dicen que es esencial hacerlo para evaluar la pérdida de aprendizaje y que los padres puedan tomar decisiones informadas, y para que los funcionarios estatales designen recursos a las comunidades más fuertemente afectadas.

Katy Anthes, Comisionada de Educación de Colorado, ha prometido $52 millones de la última ronda de fondos federales de alivio por el coronavirus para programas como tutorías, programas después de la escuela y escuelas de verano, pero los detalles no se han definido todavía.

Los exámenes estandarizados fueron cancelados el año pasado, y por lo tanto la información más reciente es del 2019.

“¿Por qué no saber en qué nivel están los estudiantes en lectura y matemáticas y decir que no nos molesta estar tres años sin información?” Preguntó Colwell. “A mí eso me parece una falta de consciencia.”

A fines del último mes, una mayoría de ambos partidos en la Junta de Educación del Estado estuvo a favor de dar los exámenes estandarizados este año.

“Si nos importa la equidad, nos tiene que importar la información”, dijo Rebecca McClellan, demócrata de Littleton y miembro de la junta. “Si no podemos definir dónde estamos atrasados, no podremos enfocar la ayuda donde se necesita”.

El Gobernador Jared Polis también parece apoyar los exámenes, y un portavoz de su oficina escribió que Polis “cree que es crítico que los padres, educadores, comunidades y formuladores de política entiendan cómo el virus de COVID-19 ha afectado el aprendizaje de los estudiantes en todo el estado, especialmente los estudiantes en desventaja económica”.

La opinión pública varía dependiendo de cómo se haga la pregunta. La encuesta de Keating Research (comisionada por personas que apoyan lo exámenes) inicialmente preguntó si los exámenes se debían administrar “dadas las interrupciones que han enfrentado las escuelas”, y encontró que un 46% de los encuestados dijeron que sí, un 41% dijeron que no, y un 13% dijeron no estar seguros. Si el examen fuera explícitamente separado de la responsabilidad de las escuelas y los maestros, el apoyo aumentó a un 62%.

Amplias mayorías estuvieron de acuerdo con la idea de que es importante tener una prueba a fin de año para determinar cuánta fue la pérdida de aprendizaje, enfocar la ayuda a quienes la necesiten más, reducir las brechas académicas por raza e ingresos, y ayudar a los padres y formuladores de políticas a tomar decisiones informadas.

Al preguntar otra vez si los exámenes se deben usar este año, el apoyo fue aún mayor.

La encuesta de Harstad Strategic Research, respaldada por el sindicato y el distrito, preguntó a qué cosas las escuelas les deben dar la mayor prioridad. Cincuenta y tres por ciento de los encuestados dijeron que lo más importante es la instrucción en un salón de clases, otro 37% dijo que es la salud social y emocional, y solamente un 7% dijo que lo más importante son los exámenes estandarizados.

Luego se les preguntó: “Debido a los retos que ha presentado el coronavirus, ¿cómo debe el estado manejar los exámenes estandarizados esta primavera?” Cuando la pregunta se hizo de esa manera, 58% de los encuestados dijeron que los exámenes se deben cancelar y 38% dijo que se deben tomar como de costumbre. Entre los padres de las escuelas públicas, un 77% de las madres quiere cancelar los exámenes, mientras que solamente un 52% de los padres quiere lo mismo.

Keating y Harstad son compañías de encuestas en Colorado, y ambas han recibido calificaciones de B/C de FiveThirtyEight.

En una conferencia de prensa organizada por los que se oponen a los exámenes, Laura Martinez (madre de Adams 14 y líder de la organización comunitaria Coloradans for the Common Good) dijo que sus hijos batallaron por el atraso en el comienzo del año escolar y tuvieron dificultades para tomar las clases a remoto, pero ella no piensa que la respuesta está en un examen estandarizado.

“Considerando todo lo que ocurrió este año, yo pongo en duda los beneficios de reemplazar el tiempo de instrucción con otro examen,” dijo Martinez.

Nota de redacción: Esta noticia fue actualizada para reflejar mejor el orden de las preguntas en las encuestas.

Milly Suazo ha traducido este reportaje.

La importancia de las elecciones de consejos escolares y por qué debes votar

2023-10-11T14:40:17+00:00

Read in English.

Chalkbeat Colorado es un noticiero local sin fines de lucro que informa sobre las escuelas públicas en Denver y otros distritos. Suscríbete a nuestro boletín gratis por email en español para recibir lo último en noticias sobre educación dos veces al mes.

Cada dos años en noviembre, la gente que vota en Colorado elige a quienes toman decisiones importantes sobre sus escuelas locales. Pero en la mayoría de los distritos escolares, muy pocas personas votan en estas elecciones de consejos escolares—y la mayoría de ellas no son padres de familia.

¿Qué es exactamente un consejo escolar? ¿Y por qué es importante que votes en estas elecciones que se realizan en años impares?

En esta historia:

¿Por qué importan las elecciones de consejos escolares y por qué debes votar?

¿Qué hace un consejo escolar?

Ejemplos de responsabilidades de los consejos escolares

¿Cuál es la diferencia entre un integrante de un consejo escolar y un superintendente u otros administradores escolares?

¿Cómo se eligen a los integrantes de los consejos escolares en Colorado?

¿A quién representan los integrantes del consejo escolar?

¿Reciben un salario los integrantes de los consejos escolares en Colorado?

¿Dónde puedes encontrar más información sobre tu consejo escolar y los candidatos al consejo escolar?

¿Cuándo son las próximas elecciones de los consejos escolares en Colorado?

¿Por qué importan las elecciones de consejos escolares y por qué debes votar?

Cuando votas para elegir a integrantes de tu consejo escolar que comparten tus valores y tu perspectiva, eso resulta en que sea más probable que las escuelas se administren de una manera que piensas es buena para los niños y tu comunidad. Si no votas, les das ese poder a otras personas. En muchas elecciones de distritos escolares, menos de un tercio de las personas que pueden votar lo hacen. A veces solo un par de cientos o hasta un par de docenas de votos separan a los ganadores de los perdedores. Eso significa que cada voto importa.

¿Qué hace un consejo escolar?

En Colorado, funcionarios electos que forman parte del consejo escolar se encargan de operar los distritos escolares. Los consejos escolares usualmente tienen entre cinco y siete integrantes. La función principal de un consejo escolar es contratar al superintendente, quien es como el director ejecutivo del distrito escolar y responsable de la gestión diaria de las escuelas locales. Los integrantes del consejo escolar supervisan y evalúan al superintendente. Además, votan sobre el presupuesto y aumento de los salarios de los maestros y otro personal escolar, y también establecen las normas que controlan lo que sucede en las escuelas.

Ejemplos de responsabilidades de los consejos escolares

Un consejo escolar quizás tenga el voto final sobre si se debe cerrar o no una escuela con bajos resultados en las pruebas de los estudiantes o con muy pocos estudiantes—o vote para cambiar las prioridades del presupuesto para que esas escuelas tengan más dinero. O un consejo escolar quizás vote para adoptar un nuevo plan de estudios si el antiguo no está funcionando bien para educar a los estudiantes.

Los consejos escolares también tienen la última palabra sobre asuntos contenciosos. Si a un estudiante lo expulsan y la familia presenta una apelación para que el estudiante permanezca en la escuela, o si a un maestro lo despiden y presenta una apelación para mantener su puesto, el consejo escolar toma la decisión final. Los consejos escolares han votado para no participar en los estándares de educación sexual integral de Colorado, para sacar a los policías de las escuelas y para que los policías regresen.

La manera como funcionan exactamente los consejos escolares puede variar entre un distrito y otro. Por ejemplo, en 2020, consejos escolares en algunos distritos votaron sobre el cambio al aprendizaje virtual, mientras que en otros distritos el superintendente tomó esa decisión.

¿Cuál es la diferencia entre un integrante de un consejo escolar y un superintendente u otros administradores escolares?

Los integrantes de un consejo escolar usualmente no participan en los detalles de cómo administrar el distrito. Ese es el trabajo del superintendente.

Los integrantes del consejo no pueden disciplinar a un maestro o director ni decirle directamente lo que debe hacer. No establecen las rutas de los autobuses escolares ni deciden qué rutas se deben eliminar si no hay suficientes conductores. Los integrantes del consejo escolar no eligen directamente qué escuelas deben cerrarse.

En la mayoría de los casos, el superintendente presenta una recomendación ante el consejo escolar. El consejo escolar puede votar para aprobar o rechazar la recomendación o solicitar otras opciones.

Los integrantes del consejo también pueden crear conciencia y solicitar que se cambien ciertas normas. Si suficientes integrantes del consejo están de acuerdo, el superintendente trabajará en esa idea.

¿Cómo se eligen a los integrantes de los consejos escolares en Colorado?

En la mayoría de los consejos escolares, las personas registradas para votar en el distrito correspondiente eligen a sus integrantes.

Los integrantes del consejo escolar ocupan su puesto durante plazos escalonados de cuatro años. En un consejo con cinco integrantes, tres de los puestos están sujetos a elecciones un año y, dos años después, los otros dos puestos están sujeto a elecciones. El consejo escolar de las Escuelas Públicas de Denver tiene siete integrantes, con cuatro de los puestos sujetos a elecciones un año y los otros tres puestos sujetos a elecciones dos años después.

La mayoría de los consejos escolares imponen límites en la cantidad de plazos o mandatos que los integrantes pueden cumplir para que no superen los ocho años en total.

Los consejos escolares siempre tienen una cantidad impar de integrantes para que no terminen en un empate—aunque los empates igual pueden suceder si alguien falta a una reunión o se abstiene de votar.

A veces el integrante de un consejo escolar renuncia a su puesto a mitad de su mandato. En ese caso, los otros integrantes del consejo eligen a alguien para que complete el plazo.

A veces los distritos escolares cancelan las elecciones de su consejo escolar porque no hay suficientes candidatos para realizar una votación competitiva. Eso ahorra algo de dinero pero significa que los votantes no tienen la opción de elegir quién dirige sus escuelas. Quien se haya ofrecido voluntariamente se convierte en el integrante del consejo escolar.

¿A quién representan los integrantes del consejo escolar?

Algunos distritos escolares eligen a integrantes “at large”. Esto significa que cada integrante del consejo representa a todo el distrito, en lugar de a una región específica en el distrito.

Si tu distrito elige a sus integrantes at large, verás a todos los candidatos en la boleta electoral y podrás votar por tantos candidatos como haya puestos vacantes. Si hay dos puestos vacantes, puedes votar por dos candidatos. Si hay tres puestos vacantes, puedes votar por tres candidatos, y así sucesivamente. Las tres personas que reciban más votos se convierten en integrantes del consejo escolar.

Otros distritos escolares se dividen en regiones geográficas, y cada integrante del consejo escolar representa una región. Estos integrantes del consejo escolar deben vivir en esa región.

En algunos distritos escolares, solo las personas registradas para votar que también vivan en esa región pueden votar en esas elecciones para el consejo. Si ese es el caso en tu distrito, solo aparecerán en tu boleta electoral los candidatos para tu área. Solo puedes votar por un candidato, y el candidato que obtenga más votos representará la región.

En otros distritos escolares, como los de Jeffco y Adams 12, los integrantes del consejo escolar deben vivir en una región específica, pero deben ganar las elecciones en todo el distrito. En la boleta electoral de todas las personas que votan en el distrito aparecerán múltiples contiendas para el consejo escolar, y los votantes deben elegir un candidato por cada contienda electoral.

¿Reciben un salario los integrantes de los consejos escolares en Colorado?

La mayoría de los integrantes de los consejos escolares en Colorado son voluntarios no pagados. La ley estatal permite que los integrantes de consejos escolares reciban un pago de hasta $150 al día para asuntos oficiales, y algunos consejos escolares, como los de Denver y Sheridan, han decidido pagarles una pequeña cantidad a sus integrantes.

Un consejo escolar que quiera pagarles a sus integrantes debe realizar una reunión pública sobre la idea y luego una votación sobre el paquete de pago. Sin embargo, la compensación no entra en vigor hasta las siguientes elecciones. Los integrantes del consejo actual no pueden votar para pagarse a sí mismos y solo recibirían la compensación si ganan su reelección.

¿Dónde puedes encontrar más información sobre tu consejo escolar y los candidatos al consejo escolar?

Organizaciones noticieras como Chalkbeat escriben sobre las elecciones de muchos consejos escolares.

Tu diario o canal de televisión locales quizás tengan información sobre los candidatos. También puedes consultar el sitio web de tu distrito escolar. Haz una búsqueda con las palabras “consejo escolar” o “reuniones del consejo” o “elecciones” (en inglés: school board, board meetings y election, respectivamente). Muchos distritos escolares tienen una lista de quiénes son los candidatos y las fechas y el horario de los foros locales de candidatos. Grupos comunitarios como la Liga de Mujeres Votantes (en inglés: League of Women Voters) y organizaciones educativas sin fines de lucro con frecuencia organizan foros o paneles donde puedes escuchar directamente a los candidatos o hasta hacerles preguntas. También puedes visitar los sitios web de los candidatos y ver cómo se describen a sí mismos y comunican sus prioridades.

Lee sobre los candidatos y observa cómo responden a preguntas. Piensa sobre cómo sus perspectivas se comparan con las tuyas y cómo las experiencias que han vivido los han preparado para el puesto. ¿Qué conexión tienen con las escuelas locales? ¿Qué tipo de trabajo han realizado?

Al mismo tiempo, toma en cuenta que los candidatos a consejos escolares—como cualquier político—a veces usan palabras que a todos les suenan bien pero pueden significar diferentes cosas para diferentes personas. Si un candidato habla sobre escuelas exitosas en los vecindarios, sobre escuchar a los padres o apoyar a los maestros, trata de obtener más información sobre lo que quiere decir.

¿Cuándo son las próximas elecciones de los consejos escolares en Colorado?

Las elecciones de consejos escolares en Colorado se realizan en años impares el primer martes en noviembre. Las próximas elecciones son el 7 de noviembre, 2023. Si ya te registraste para votar, debes recibir tu boleta electoral por correo la semana del 16 de octubre. Si no te has registrado para votar, puedes encontrar más información sobre cómo hacerlo aquí.

Los líderes de Adams 14 prometen mejorar la educación vocacional y ayudar más a los estudiantes de inglés

2022-12-15T23:50:26+00:00

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Antes de la pandemia, la Escuela Primaria Rose Hill del distrito Adams 14 llevaba cuatro años teniendo malas calificaciones. Eso cambió este otoño cuando los estudiantes de Rose Hill demostraron una mejora en los exámenes del estado, y fue la única escuela primaria de Adams 14 en lograrlo.

Los cambios fueron el resultado de un liderazgo consistente y de un experto equipo de maestros que se esforzó arduamente para mejorar cómo atienden las necesidades de los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

“No hemos tenido una cantidad masiva de gente yéndose de Rose Hill,” dijo el director Luis Camas. “Este es mi quinto año, y la mayoría de los maestros está todavía aquí. Está marcando una diferencia”.

Los líderes de Adams 14 están ahora compartiendo planes de cómo esperan apoyar que más escuelas progresen como la Rose Hill, que lo logró a pesar de haber tenido años de desempeño deficiente y una intervención del estado que no funcionó.

Ellos también insisten en que a sus estudiantes les está yendo mucho mejor de lo que sugieren las puntuaciones en los exámenes estatales, y continúan resistiendo la intervención externa en los tribunales.

Los planes del distrito incluyen asegurar que los directores tengan el tiempo y las destrezas necesarias para trabajar con los maestros en temas de instrucción, desarrollar una escuela de la comunidad en la Escuela Primaria Central que les preste servicios a toda la familia, establecer academias vocacionales en la Escuela Secundaria Adams City, y brindarles más recursos a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés, que representan la mitad de la matrícula.

Algunos de esos planes son nuevos — como el de la escuela en la comunidad — mientras que otros fueron propuestos o intentados antes, pero con seguimiento limitado. Los líderes del distrito dicen que esta vez es diferente porque están trabajando con la comunidad y desarrollando una estrategia completa, no solamente una ‘lista de tareas’ con programas nuevos.

María Zubia, miembro de la junta escolar, dijo que en esta ocasión está viendo acción real para cambiar y cree que los planes subsistirán más que la administración actual, y por lo tanto el trabajo no tendrá que volver a comenzar con cada cambio de administración.

“Eso es lo que nos entusiasma”, dijo Zubia. “Son las cosas que vemos. Estoy cansada de la gente que habla, habla y habla, pero no hay acción. Yo soy realista; necesito verlo”.

Algunos miembros de la comunidad y expertos todavía se muestran dudosos. Nicholas Martinez, que dirige el grupo local Transform Education Now, dijo que los líderes no le han explicado claramente a la comunidad lo que está pasando ni por qué.

“Desde mi punto de vista, no mucho ha cambiado”, dijo Martinez. “Los datos del estado se publicaron, y no hay muchos que se salgan de la norma. No hay un montón de gente diciendo, ‘Ahí se ve un punto brillante’. Me encantaría saber cuál ha sido la estrategia del distrito”.

Cómo Adams 14 llegó aquí

Hace ocho meses, la Junta de Educación del Estado ordenó la reorganización del distrito escolar Adams 14 — la medida más drástica disponible según las leyes del estado. El distrito había batallado con puntuaciones bajas en los exámenes del estado por más de una década. La reorganización podría resultar en cierres de escuela o en la pérdida de control de algunas partes de Adams 14 a los distritos vecinos, pero el plan sería dirigido por miembros de la comunidad de Adams 14 y personas de distritos cercanos que apoyan al distrito.

El distrito ha dedicado bastante tiempo y esfuerzo a resistir las órdenes del estado. Un comité de reorganización se reunió una sola vez, y el grupo ahora está buscando un facilitador.

Mientras tanto, la Superintendente Karla Loría ha formado un equipo nuevo de líderes mayormente compuesto de personas que ella conoce de empleos anteriores. El distrito también tiene un contrato de tres años y $5 millones con TNTP, una entidad sin fines de lucro, para que ayude con la mejora a las escuelas.

De todos modos, muchos en la comunidad se preguntan qué está haciendo el distrito para mejorar el desempeño de los estudiantes.

Los maestros en Rose Hill dicen que las mejoras de los estudiantes se deben a un liderazgo consistente y al aumento en apoyo para los que están aprendiendo inglés.

Con el tiempo, los estudiantes de inglés han tenido más apoyo

Adams 14 tiene una matrícula de un poco más de 6,000 estudiantes al norte de Denver, y más o menos la mitad están clasificados como estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés o linguistically gifted, como el distrito los llama ahora. Una queja ante el gobierno federal y una investigación iniciada en 2010 con el tiempo indicó que el distrito estaba violando los derechos civiles de esos estudiantes y discriminando contra sus familias. Una orden federal obligó a Adams 14 a mejorar sus servicios para los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

El distrito está agregando más instrucción bilingüe y ha traído maestros bilingües de otros países.

“Me parece excelente contar con instrucción en dos idiomas que apoyará no solamente a los estudiantes que quieran aprender un segundo idioma, sino también a los que quieran fortalecer su primer idioma”, dijo Loría. “Estamos viendo progreso en esa área, pero creo que todavía quedan cosas por mejorar”.

Este año el distrito agregó maestros dedicados al desarrollo del idioma inglés a cada escuela primaria.

Raven-Syamone Wattley, maestra en la primaria Rose Hill, dijo que esto ha marcado una gran diferencia, aunque muchos maestros en la escuela han recibido capacitación especial también. Antes, los maestros en Rose Hill tenían que dividir sus clases y clasificar a los estudiantes según su dominio de inglés cuando llegaba la hora de la clase de inglés.

Esto significaba que ella recibía estudiantes adicionales que tenía que atender además de sus clases regulares.

Ahora al tener un maestro o maestra de desarrollo del idioma de inglés asignado, ella se puede enfocar en sus estudiantes y en cómo incorporar la instrucción de inglés en el resto del día.

“Ha sido una diferencia enorme al momento de planificar. Ahora es una materia menos” dijo Wattley. “El desarrollo del idioma inglés ha mejorado drásticamente”.

Mientras los líderes del distrito trabajan para mejorar la instrucción de los estudiantes bilingües, ellos creen que el sistema estatal los juzga injustamente porque muchos de esos estudiantes todavía no dominan el inglés. Cuando los estudiantes de primer y segundo grado tomaron este año el ampliamente usado examen STAR, casi un 60% de los estudiantes que lo tomaron en español cumplieron las normas, en comparación con solo un 23.5% de los que lo tomaron en inglés.

Luis Camas, director de Rose Hill (en el centro), asegura que los niños se suban a los autos de sus padres después de la escuela. Sus cinco años en la escuela han ayudado a tener consistencia y crecimiento académico.

Enfoque del distrito en el liderazgo de los directores

Antes de la pandemia, Rose Hill enfrentaba la posibilidad de una intervención estatal si recibía otra mala calificación de desempeño.

Pero este otoño la calificación estatal de Rose Hill subió a nivel de Improvement (mejoró), el segundo nivel más alto. Este nivel de mejora necesita continuar el próximo año para que la escuela no tenga una intervención por el estado.

Camas dijo que su tiempo en la escuela le ha permitido establecer una cultura y sistemas en los que los maestros saben cómo analizar los datos y hablar sobre la planificación de lecciones. Él también es uno de siete directores de Adams 14 que asistieron a un programa de liderazgo en la Universidad de Virginia.

Loría dijo que le ha dado prioridad a que el personal del distrito apoye a los directores para que ellos puedan enfocarse, como Camas, en dirigir la labor educativa de los maestros en vez de tener cargas administrativas pesadas o asistir a largas juntas sobre los aspectos de administrar una escuela que no están relacionados con instrucción.

En Rose Hill, Camas ha agregado un periodo nuevo de planificación para los maestros, que ahora tienen dos cada día. Aunque él hubiese preferido no darles más tareas a los ya sobrecargados maestros, ellos se le acercaron y pidieron que empezara un programa de tutoría en las tardes.

Los estudiantes de Rose Hill tienen acceso a programas en las tardes, entre ellos un club de competencias para apilar vasos.

Se acercan programas vocacionales en Adams City

La Escuela Secundaria Adams City es la única secundaria de programa completo en el distrito. Ha obtenido calificaciones deficientes del estado desde 2010, y tiene su propio plan de mejoras.

Por más de una década, los líderes del distrito han hablado acerca de crear programas vocacionales más estructurados, o academias, en adición a las clases vocacionales que la escuela ya ofrece.

Muchos padres quieren estos programas, y los educadores piensan que motivaría a los estudiantes y les abriría puertas después de graduarse. Los estudiantes que participan en programas vocacionales tienen más probabilidad de graduarse, pero en 2019 solamente una cuarta parte de ellos estaban participando.

Ahora el distrito quiere crear programas integrados que conecten el enfoque vocacional de cada academia durante todo el día en materias como matemáticas, lectura, y otras. Las cuatro academias serán: ciencias de salud y servicios humanos; arquitectura, construcción, ingeniería y diseño; negocios, hospitalidad y turismo; y finalmente, información y tecnología.

El próximo año, los estudiantes de noveno grado explorarán todas las cuatro durante el primer semestre y luego seleccionarán una para el resto de sus años en la secundaria.

“No importa si esa será su profesión o no, de todos modos estarán preparados para entrar el mundo laboral”, dijo Ron Hruby, el director de educación vocacional y técnica del distrito. “Por ejemplo, nuestros estudiantes van a poder trabajar a tiempo parcial como flebotomistas — imagínense la cantidad de dinero adicional que podrían recibir”.

Una subvención estatal de $900,000 pagará por parte de las modificaciones a la secundaria.

Misael Díaz (al centro), en décimo grado en la Secundaria Adams City, elabora un plato durante una clase de cocina 2019 ProStart en la escuela.

Escuela de la comunidad es parte clave de los esfuerzos del distrito

La Escuela Primaria Central también tiene su propio plan de mejoras después de haber tenido calificaciones deficientes desde 2012. La escuela está destinada a ser la primera escuela de la comunidad en el distrito — un modelo que trata de resolver factores externos al salón de clases que afectan el aprendizaje.

Un coordinador a tiempo completo está trabajando con la escuela para determinar las necesidades de las familias e identificar qué servicios se necesitan. Esos servicios podrían incluir un banco de alimentos, una clínica, o un programa de ayuda para encontrar empleo para los padres. Es un modelo que algunas personas quisieran expandir a otras escuelas aparte de la Primaria Central. Más de un 71% de los estudiantes de Adams 14 califican para comidas gratuitas o a precio reducido (una medida de pobreza) y muchas familias tienen problemas de salud que ellos entienden están relacionados con factores ambientales.

El distrito también ha creado incentivos especiales para que las personas trabajen en la primaria Central.

Jason Malmberg, presidente de la unión de maestros del distrito, dice que a su entender, esta es la mayor diferencia en estos planes de mejora del distrito.

“El distrito ahora ha asignado el dinero donde lo han prometido” dijo Malmberg. “Esto es como todo — no se puede simplemente comprar una etiqueta para ponérsela al edificio. La idea es que se estaría respondiendo a las barreras de aprendizaje específicas para esa comunidad. Hay un contexto importante en las vidas de los niños. Y ya no es algo que opinan solo los maestros o las familias. Es una idea que viene desde arriba, es un cambio en la cultura”.

Yesenia Robles es reportera para Chalkbeat Colorado y cubre asuntos relacionados con los distritos escolares K-12 y la educación multilingüe. Para comunicarte con Yesenia, envíale un mensaje a yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Pruebas de plomo en agua son requisito ahora para escuelas y centros de cuidado

2022-08-23T21:05:55+00:00

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Una ley estatal nueva requerirá que aproximadamente 5,800 escuelas primarias y centros para cuidado de niños en Colorado hagan pruebas de plomo en el agua e instalen filtros, o que hagan las reparaciones correspondientes si encuentran niveles altos de plomo.

Las escuelas y los centros para cuidado de niños tendrán hasta el 31 de mayo para hacerle pruebas al agua, y tendrán que hacer reparaciones si el nivel de plomo es más de 5 partes por mil millones. Ese límite es el mismo límite establecido por el gobierno federal para el agua embotellada, pero menos que el usado previamente por la mayoría de los distritos escolares de Colorado.

Esta ley, que incluye unos $21 millones para pruebas y reparaciones, representa la primera vez que Colorado ha establecido regulaciones para los niveles de plomo en el agua potable de las escuelas y los centros para cuidado de niños. Fue aprobada a la misma vez que un número creciente de estados han aprobado leyes para resolver el problema de exposición a plomo en los niños después de la crisis de agua potable que ocurrió en el 2014 en Flint, Michigan.

Lo que debes saber acerca de la ley de plomo en Colorado

• Las escuelas primarias y los centros de cuidado de niños de Colorado tendrán que hacerle pruebas de plomo a todas las fuentes de agua potable antes del 31 de mayo de 2023.

• Si el nivel de plomo supera 5 partes por mil millones — un límite nuevo y más estricto — las escuelas y los proveedores de cuidado de niños tendrán que reparar la plomería o instalar filtros.

• Las escuelas y los centros de cuidado de niños tendrán que notificarles los resultados de las pruebas a los padres, y decir qué van a hacer para corregir los problemas.

• La ley incluye unos $21 millones para pagar por pruebas y reparaciones en las escuelas y los centros de cuidado de niños. Las escuelas Intermedias serán elegibles para obtener fondos si queda algún restante.

• La exposición al plomo puede causar problemas de habla, atención y conducta en los niños, y el agua potable es solo una de las fuentes de exposición a plomo posibles.

• Otras fuentes son las pinturas que tienen plomo, el polvo de pinturas que tienen plomo, y artículos importados como ollas de cocina, especias, dulces o joyería.

El plomo es una neurotoxina dañina que puede causar discapacidades de aprendizaje y problemas de comportamiento, y hasta un nivel bajo de exposición puede afectar el coeficiente de inteligencia (IQ) de un niño. Los niveles de plomo en los niños de Estados Unidos han bajado drásticamente desde la década de 1970, pero hay estudios que han demostrado que en muchos niños todavía se puede detectar la presencia de plomo.

Un estudio de 2021 publicado en la revista médica JAMA Pediatrics encontró que un 72% de los niños menores de 6 años en Colorado que pasaron por pruebas tenían niveles detectables de plomo en la sangre — pero a muchos niños del estado nunca se les hacen pruebas.

Generalmente, los legisladores, funcionarios escolares y defensores de Colorado alabaron la ley nueva por tomar medidas para asegurar que los estudiantes tengan agua potable segura en la escuela o el centro de cuidado, pero para algunas personas la ley no llegó tan lejos como ellas esperaban.

Jaquikeyah Fields, directora de comunicaciones en Colorado People’s Alliance (un grupo de justicia racial que ayudó a darle forma al proyecto de ley), describió la ley como un gran logro que puede servir como puerta a otras leyes futuras sobre el mismo tema.

“Pienso que el objetivo era lograr más”, dijo ella, pero de todos modos “es bastante buena”.

Bob Lawson, director ejecutivo de manejo de instalaciones y construcción en el Distrito Escolar Pueblo 60 (de 15,000 estudiantes), dijo que está complacido porque la ley establece un límite claro de plomo para agua en las escuelas.

“Al menos han hecho algo para establecer la norma que debemos seguir”, dijo él. “Eso es grande porque Colorado no tenía nada”.

Elin Betanzo, especialista en agua que ayudó a descubrir la crisis en Flint, dijo que es bueno tener legislación para asegurar que las escuelas tengan agua potable segura, pero que instalar filtros inmediatamente es mejor estrategia que hacerle pruebas a las fuentes de agua para luego corregir cualquier problema. Ella dijo que es de amplio conocimiento que el agua potable de las escuelas a menudo contiene niveles de plomo detectables.

Eso se debe en parte a que las plomerías vendidas como “libres de plomo” todavía tienen permitido contener una pequeña cantidad de plomo.

“El agua es un solvente universal. Cuando tiene contacto con plomo, ese plomo entra al agua”, dijo Betanzo, fundadora de la empresa consultora Safe Water Engineering, de Detroit.

“Quizás no sea hoy ni mañana... pero si hay plomo presente, tarde o temprano estará en el agua”.

Leyes en evolución

La nueva ley sobre plomo de Colorado cambió bastante desde que fue introducida, en parte por la resistencia de algunos lideres de escuelas y educación temprana. La versión final tiene menos requisitos, tanto en cantidad como en rigurosidad, que las primeras versiones.

El proyecto de ley original hubiese requerido que las escuelas y los programas de cuidado de niños instalaran filto en todas las fuentes de agua potable, instalaran una estación para llenar botellas de agua filtrada por cada 100 estudiantes, y condujeran pruebas de plomo anuales en el agua potable. Todas las fuentes de agua con un nivel de plomo más alto de 1 parte por mil millones tendrían que ser corregidas, y se hubiesen requerido letreros nuevos y otras notificaciones.

El límite de 1 parte por cada mil millones es el recomendado por la Academia Americana de Pediatria para las fuentes de agua, pero pocos estados lo han adoptado. En vez de eso, la mayoría que ha aprobado leyes recientes ha establecido el límite en 5 o 10 partes por mil millones. El límite de Maine es 4 partes por cada mil millones.

Los grupos que representan a proveedores de cuidado de niños opusieron el proyecto de ley, diciendo que las reglas propuestas serían onerosas y demasiado costosas.

Dawn Alexander, directora ejecutiva de Early Childhood Education Association of Colorado, dijo que sería injusto imponerle estándares estrictos a los establecimientos de cuidado de niños, porque muchos casos de envenenamiento con plomo se originan en los hogares de los niños, que no están sujetos a esas reglas. Durante su trabajo anterior en el departamento de salud del condado de Wed, ella encontró que los investigadores usualmente descubrían que los altos niveles de plomo eran causados por pintura de plomo en la residencia de los niños.

“Simplemente no tiene sentido tener estas… imposiciones en negocios que ya están teniendo dificultades, ya que realmente no son la fuente que está generando esos problemas extremos de salud en los niños de nuestro estado”.

Alexander dijo que está complacida con la versión final de la ley: “Realmente es una ley mucho más razonable”.

Los proveedores de cuidado de niños en el hogar con licencia podrán optar por no cumplir los requisitos nuevos.

Mark Anderson, pediatra en Denver Health, piensa que la ley es buena, especialmente cuando se trata de los fondos para ayudar a las escuelas y a los centros de cuidado a cubrir el costo de las pruebas y las reparaciones.

“Si el costo ya no es una inquietud, no veo ninguna razón para no eliminar el plomo del agua”, dijo.

Por otro lado, Anderson señaló que el agua no es la fuente principal del alto nivel de plomo en los niños de Colorado.

“Uno tendría que tomar muchísima agua para exponerse si la concentración es 15 [partes por mil millones] o menos”, él dijo.

Anderson, que es parte de una red regional de expertos en salud ambiental de los niños, dijo que en su mayoría, los niveles altos de plomo en niños surgen de exposición a pintura con plomo, polvo de pinturas con plomo, o una categoría que el llama “productos importados” y que incluye ollas y artículos para cocinar, especias o dulces de otros países.

Los investigadores han encontrado que los niños que viven en códigos postales con poblaciones predominantemente negras o hispanas tienen más probabilidad de tener un nivel de plomo alto que los niños que viven en códigos postales cuyos residentes son predominantemente de raza blanca.

Esfuerzos en las escuelas después del caso de Flint

Después de la crisis de agua en Flint, algunos distritos escolares de Colorado empezaron voluntariamente a hacerle pruebas al agua y corregir cuando los niveles de plomo alcanzaban 15 o más partes por mil millones — el nivel usado en ese momento por la Agencia de Protección Ambiental para que las compañías de agua tomaran acción.

A partir de 2017, algunos distritos de Colorado aprovecharon un programa estatal voluntario de grants que paga por pruebas de plomo en las escuelas, pero el programa no cubría los costos de reparación y no fue usado ampliamente.

Los funcionarios del distrito escolar de Denver, el más grande de Colorado, empezaron a usar el estándar de 15 partes por mil millones, y luego cambiaron a un límite de 10 partes por mil millones en 2019. Durante los últimos seis años, el distrito reemplazó 264 sistemas de plomería, e instaló 83 filtros en fuentes de agua.

Sin embargo, la ley nueva requerirá trabajo adicional porque hubo pruebas anteriores que encontraron unas 150 fuentes de agua con niveles por encima del límite nuevo, pero por debajo del anterior.

Joni Rix, gerente del programa ambiental del distrito, dijo que aunque algunas de esas fuentes están en escuelas intermedias y secundarias (que no son el enfoque de la ley nueva), el distrito les va a instalar filtros.

Esas reparaciones, dijo ella, costarán “bastante dinero” — aproximadamente $1,000 cada una para instalarles un filtro inicialmente, y luego $70 en mantenimiento anual.

La Representante del Estado Emily Sirota, demócrata de Denver y una de las auspiciadoras de la legislación, dijo que quienes prepararon la ley usaron estimados altos al momento de asignar los fondos de recuperación de COVID a la ley nueva. Los funcionarios de salud del estado dijeron que esperan cubrir la mayor parte posible de los costos de pruebas y remediación, pero que los detalles están por verse.

En el distrito Pueblo 60, cinco escuelas obtendrán reparaciones este mes para cumplir con el límite nuevo de 5 partes por mil millones. Aunque los funcionarios del distrito les hicieron pruebas a todas las fuentes de agua en el 2017 y 2018, usaron el límite de 10 partes por mil millones para determinar dónde se harían reparaciones.

Los funcionarios en el distrito Mesa County Valley, en el oeste de Colorado, hicieron reparaciones en cinco de las 42 escuelas después de participar en el programa estatal voluntario de grants hace varios años. Aparte de los edificios en los que se instalaron plomerías nuevas o estaciones para llenar botellas, ninguna escuela tuvo un nivel de plomo más alto del límite nuevo de 5 partes por mil millones.

Desde entonces, el distrito ha construido dos escuelas nuevas pero no ha recibido instrucciones de los funcionarios de salud del estado en cuanto a si se requiere hacer pruebas de plomo.

“Si ellos quieren que hagamos pruebas en esos lugares nosotros con mucho gusto lo haremos, pero no veo por qué nosotros debamos hacerlo”, dijo Eddie Mort, coordinador de mantenimiento del distrito.

Una portavoz del Departamento de Salud Pública y Ambiente de Colorado, que supervisa la implementación de la ley nueva, dijo que no se ha decidido todavía si las escuelas o centros de cuidado de niños que hicieron pruebas de agua en los años recientes tendrán que hacer una serie nueva de pruebas.

“La decisión final podría ser que no habrá una solución ‘unitalla’ para todas las escuelas del estado que hicieron pruebas previamente”, dijo en un email.

Ann Schimke es reportera senior en Chalkbeat y cubre temas de niñez temprana y alfabetización temprana. Para comunicarte con Ann, envíale un mensaje a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Lo que necesitas saber sobre una reorganización de Adams 14

2022-05-20T20:19:20+00:00

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El distrito escolar Adams 14 será el primero de Colorado obligado a comenzar un proceso de reorganización después de años de rendimiento académico deficiente en el sistema de contabilidad del sistema.

Como es la primera vez que la ley se usará de esta manera, hay muchas preguntas sobre cómo funcionará y qué significa. Aquí intentaremos contestar algunas preguntas importantes de las familias.

¿Se afectarán o tendrán menos valor los diplomas de los estudiantes porque el distrito perdió su acreditación?

No. El estado acredita los distritos como parte de su sistema de evaluación, pero perder la acreditación no tiene impacto en los fondos del distrito, los diplomas de los estudiantes ni la elegibilidad de los estudiantes para ir a la universidad o recibir becas. La comisionada del departamento de educación Katy Anthes dijo que la pérdida de acreditación no debe perjudicar a los estudiantes de ninguna manera. Tampoco tiene impacto en ninguna de las operaciones diarias de las escuelas.

En vez de eso, su propósito es avisarle a la comunidad que este distrito escolar lleva “demasiado tiempo” teniendo un desempeño deficiente según las calificaciones del estado, dijo ella.

¿Qué es una reorganización, y cuándo comenzará?

Hay dos leyes estatales que describen cómo iniciar una reorganización, un proceso para consolidar, anexar o crear distritos escolares. La que seleccionó la junta estatal requerirá una votación para ser aprobada por los electores del estado.

El proceso comienza con la creación de un comité compuesto por miembros de la junta y padres de los distritos afectados y que determinará los límites geográficos del distrito. Ese plan puede tener muchas formas, lo cual incluye crear un distrito nuevo con los mismos límites geográficos de Adams 14 (es decir, volver a crear el mismo distrito), o permitir que otros distritos vecinos adopten partes del distrito Adams 14 actual.

El comité sería formado después de redactar y finalizar las órdenes de la junta estatal, algo que podría tomar un par de semanas.

¿Van a cerrar las escuelas?

Por ahora no se cerrará ninguna escuela como resultado de la decisión de la junta estatal. Cuando el comité de reorganización se reúna para crear el plan a seguir, puede cerrar escuelas como parte de los cambios pero no tiene que hacerlo. Se anticipa que el proceso tome mucho tiempo, y no se completará antes de que comience el próximo año.

Adams 14 como tal, sin embargo, está considerando cerrar algunas escuelas en sus propios planes. El lunes, después de protestas de los padres, el superintendente retiró un plan para cerrar la Elemental Hanson y transferir a los estudiantes existentes a la Mónaco en el otoño. Los líderes dijeron que el cierre propuesto se necesitaba debido a una reducción en la matrícula, y para mover estudiantes de la escuela secundaria alternativa al edificio Hanson, que tiene una cafetería y espacio para más programas (algo que el edificio actual no tiene). Ramona Lewis, presidente de la junta, les dijo a los padres que ellos van a dedicar más tiempo a considerar otras opciones.

La clausura de Hanson es solo uno de los muchos cierres o combinaciones de escuelas sugeridos en una evaluación de las instalaciones de Adams 14 hecha en enero de 2020.

¿Qué tal con los padres que quieren enviar a sus hijos a otras escuelas?

Colorado permite inscripción abierta, y los padres siempre tienen el derecho de enviar a sus hijos a cualquier escuela que tenga espacio. Más de 3,000 estudiantes que viven dentro de los límites geográficos de Adams 14 ya están asistiendo a las escuelas de distritos vecinos.

A partir del próximo año escolar, algunas familias podrían recibir asistencia del estado para el transporte. Los detalles todavía se están definiendo, pero la Junta Estatal de Educación aprobó planes para desarrollar un programa de subvenciones para cubrir los costos de transporte de las familias de las escuelas con desempeño más deficiente.

¿Cómo participará la comunidad en los planes de reorganización?

Primero, se requiere que al menos un padre de cada uno de los distritos afectados — Adams 14, Mapleton, Adams 12 y 27J — sea parte del comité. Los padres serán seleccionados por los comités de responsabilidad de los distritos. Luego, las reuniones del comité de reorganización tienen que estar abiertas al público. Cuando el comité tenga un borrador del plan, se requiere que tenga reuniones con la comunidad para presentarlo y recibir comentarios y retroalimentación. El comité debe entonces tomar esa retroalimentación en cuenta para finalizar el plan y luego presentarlo al estado para que lo aprueben.

Una vez el plan sea aprobado por el comisionado, entonces será presentado a los votantes. Finalmente, los votantes de los distritos afectados tendrán la última voz para aprobar o rechazar el plan.

¿El distrito puede apelar la decisión del estado de iniciar una reorganización?

Aunque no hay un proceso formal de apelación, se espera que el distrito desafíe las órdenes del estado ante los tribunales. Joe Salazar, uno de los abogados de Adams 14, dice que cree que al estado se le requería tener un proceso de apelación para las órdenes de la junta fuera de los tribunales. Los funcionarios de educación del estado dijeron que a su entender, ese requisito no existe.

¿El distrito tendrá una nueva compañía de administración?

Como el proceso para reorganizar el distrito tomará mucho tiempo, la junta estatal también aprobó una orden que requiere que Adams 14 nuevamente contrate una compañía de administración externa. La junta estatal quiere que el distrito esté bajo administración completa, igual que cuando era administrado por MGT Consulting, pero esta vez está permitiendo que el distrito retenga control de sus propias finanzas.

Sin embargo, los líderes de Adams 14 están procediendo con negociaciones para contratar a la empresa sin fines de lucro TNTP como administradores, pero bajo el plan existente de que sean administradores parciales. El abogado del distrito y otros líderes del distrito ahora piensan que la orden del estado en 2018 para que el superintendente renunciara su autoridad es ilegal. En el plan de administración parcial, ellos le darían a TNTP completa autoridad sobre el departamento de recursos humanos, pero no la autoridad para contratar o despedir empleados.

Esta fue una inquietud de los miembros de la junta estatal durante la audiencia de esta semana. Los líderes de Adams 14 todavía alegan que el plan es suficiente para cumplir la orden del estado. Se anticipa que esta sea otra área en la que el estado y el distrito podrían no estar de acuerdo.

Almuerzo escolar gratuito: Entérate de qué distritos escolares de Colorado tienen planes para ofrecerlo

2023-03-02T22:03:34+00:00

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La mayoría de los distritos escolares de Colorado, entre ellos los 10 más grandes del estado, planifican ofrecerles comidas gratuitas a todos los estudiantes el próximo año a través de un nuevo programa estatal aprobado por los votantes el pasado noviembre.

Tres distritos grandes que estaban indecisos a principios de diciembre — Denver, Douglas County y Academy 20 — le informaron a Chalkbeat que participarán en el programa, llamado Healthy School Meals For All.

El programa nuevo, financiado con un impuesto para las personas con ingresos altos, hará que Colorado sea uno de los pocos estados que les ofrecerán comidas escolares gratuitas a todos los estudiantes, una medida que, según sus defensores, alimentará a más niños hambrientos y eliminará el estigma actual asociado con recibir comidas escolares gratuitas. California y Maine pusieron en marcha programas universales de comida permanentes este año escolar, y algunos otros estados, como Nevada, Vermont y Massachusetts, están ofreciendo este tipo de programa al menos hasta el final del año escolar actual.

La creciente demanda de comidas gratuitas en las escuelas empezó después de dos años escolares en los que el gobierno federal eliminó temporalmente los requisitos de ingresos para recibir comidas a precio reducido, lo cual permitió que las escuelas de todo el país ofrecieran desayunos y almuerzos gratuitos a todos los estudiantes durante gran parte de la pandemia. Los requisitos volvieron a entrar en vigor el pasado verano.

Aunque el programa de comidas universales de Colorado es voluntario para los distritos escolares, la mayoría ha informado que optará por participar. Una encuesta realizada por Chalkbeat en dos docenas de distritos, en su mayoría grandes y medianos, reveló que 21 tienen planes de participar, y uno de ellos (Colorado Springs 11) tiene planes de ofrecer comidas escolares gratuitas el próximo año a través de un mecanismo de financiamiento diferente. Dos distritos, Mesa County Valley 51, basado en Grand Junction, y el Distrito 49, en Peyton, todavía no han decidido.

Otra encuesta reciente de los 178 distritos escolares del estado hecha por la Colorado School Nutrition Association reveló que unos 130 de los 140 distritos que contestaron la encuesta tienen planes de ofrecer comidas gratuitas el año que viene.

“De todos ellos, unos 10 han dicho que no están seguros”, dijo Erika Edwards, presidente de política pública y legislativa de la asociación. “Creo que nos estamos acercando bastante a que la gran mayoría diga que sí”.

En noviembre, los electores de Colorado aprobaron fácilmente la Propuesta FF, una nueva medida tributaria que recaudará más de $100 millones al año para pagar por comidas escolares gratuitas reduciendo las deducciones de impuestos disponibles para los hogares que ganan $300,000 dólares o más.

Para participar en el programa universal de comidas gratuitas, los distritos escolares de Colorado tendrán que maximizar la cantidad de dólares federales para comidas que reciben solicitando un programa llamado Community Eligibility Provision. Este programa nacional ayuda a cubrir el costo de las comidas gratuitas universales en las escuelas que tienen una gran proporción de estudiantes cuyas familias reciben ciertos beneficios del gobierno, como por ejemplo asistencia alimentaria o Asistencia Temporal a Familias Necesitadas (TANF). Las familias de esas escuelas no tienen que llenar solicitudes para obtener comidas gratuitas o a precio reducido.

Pero incluso las escuelas de Colorado que no califiquen para el programa Community Eligibility Provision podrán ofrecerles comidas gratuitas a todos los estudiantes aprovechando los fondos de la Propuesta FF. Las familias en esas escuelas seguirán teniendo que llenar solicitudes para recibir comidas con subsidio.

Edwards dijo que los distritos escolares que no han decidido si van a ofrecer comidas gratis el próximo año tienden a estar en una de dos categorías. Los distritos rurales más pequeños tienen preguntas sobre la logística del programa Community Eligibility, mientras que los distritos metropolitanos más grandes tienen preguntas sobre cómo Colorado planifica darles fondos adicionales a las escuelas con grandes poblaciones de estudiantes de hogares de pocos ingresos, dijo.

Conocido como financiamiento de riesgo (at-risk funding), el dinero se ha distribuido según el número de estudiantes que llenan formularios para recibir comidas con subsidio federal. Colorado está avanzando hacia otras medidas, pero hasta que se complete el cambio, a los distritos les preocupa perder dinero si menos familias llenan los formularios cuando el almuerzo sea gratuito para todos los estudiantes.

Edwards dijo que la asociación de nutrición apoya el programa nuevo y planifica ofrecer capacitación y otras opciones para ayudar a los distritos que quieran participar.

“Creo que es la culminación de todo lo que un profesional de alimentación escolar desea que ocurra”, dijo.

Ann Schimke es reportera senior de Chalkbeat y cubre temas relacionados con la niñez y la alfabetización tempranas. Para comunicarte con Ann, envíale un mensaje a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Gobernador Jared Polis firma proyecto de ley para reducir los exámenes estandarizados. Ahora el gobierno federal tiene que dar su opinión.

2021-03-24T21:09:46+00:00

Es posible que los estudiantes de Colorado tomen mucho menos exámenes estandarizados este año — esto es, si los funcionarios de educación federales firman un acuerdo aprobado el martes en la Asamblea General de Colorado y firmado por el Gob. Jared Polis.

En vez de administrar el grupo completo de exámenes estandarizados que los estudiantes usualmente toman, los funcionarios de educación de Colorado buscarán un permiso para no tener que cumplir los requisitos federales. Si lo logran, este año no habrá exámenes de ciencia ni de estudios sociales, y los estudiantes tomarán un examen de matemáticas o de lectura/escritura, pero no ambos. Los exámenes no se usarán para evaluar el desempeño de los maestros ni para calificar a las escuelas.

Este proyecto de ley representa un acuerdo entre los sindicatos de maestros y distritos escolares, quienes querían cancelar los exámenes por completo, y los grupos de defensores de la educación, que querían que todos los estudiantes tomaran los exámenes de matemáticas y de lectura/escritura.

Los expertos nacionales en el tema de los exámenes dijeron que no saben de ningún otro estado que vaya a seguir la estrategia de Colorado. Y aunque algunos dijeron que este acuerdo proporcionaría suficiente información sobre el desempeño escolar — y quizás del aprendizaje individual de los estudiantes — otros dudan que el gobierno federal lo apruebe.

“El estado de Massachusetts le dará a cada estudiante la mitad de cada uno de los exámenes. Nueva York también está considerando eliminar una parte. Pero que yo sepa, Colorado es el único que está tratando de eliminar el examen completamente en ciertos grados/materias,” escribió en un email Marianne Perie, consultora de exámenes que ha trabajado con varios estados. “Me sorprendería que los federales lo permitan.”

Conseguir ese permiso federal es crítico para Colorado. En una carta enviada en febrero, los más altos funcionarios de educación federales dijeron que los estados deberán administrar los exámenes estandarizados pero ofrecieron flexibilidad para acortar el tamaño de los exámenes o expandir el periodo para tomarlos. Las directrices no mencionaron nada parecido al plan de Colorado.

El proyecto de ley pasó por la Asamblea General en menos de dos semanas. Los legisladores se movieron rápidamente porque la fecha límite para solicitar un permiso está muy cerca, dijo el viernes la Senadora Rachel Zenzinger, auspiciadora del proyecto y presidenta del Comité de Educación del Senado, y demócrata de Arvada.

Los legisladores demócratas originalmente tenían esperanzas de cancelar los exámenes del todo, pero llegaron a un acuerdo cuando quedó claro que tanto la administración de Biden como la de Polis estaban en oposición a ese esfuerzo.

Zenzinger aplaudió a la coalición que respaldó el proyecto de ley, y que incluyó a legisladores republicanos.

“Aparte de qué tan peligroso o impráctico sea administrar este examen, necesitamos de cierta manera limitada incluirlo (el examen) como parte de nuestra solicitud del permiso,” Zenzinger dijo.

Los estudiantes de Colorado típicamente toman exámenes estandarizados de matemáticas y de lectura/escritura en los grados tercero hasta octavo, y también un examen de ciencias o de estudios sociales, dependiendo de su grado. En Colorado, estos exámenes se llaman Colorado Measures of Academic Success, o CMAS.

Si el gobierno federal aprueba el plan de Colorado, los estudiantes en los grados tercero, quinto y séptimo tomarán el examen de lectura/escritura, y los de cuarto, sexto y octavo tomarán el de matemáticas. Los padres tendrían la opción de firmar para que sus hijos no los tomen. Y también podrían optar por que sus hijos tomen ambos.

El Senador Paul Lundeen, republicano de Monument, apoyó firmemente el proyecto de ley durante la sesión del senado el viernes. El acuerdo fue difícil para todos, dijo él, pero también retiene los exámenes para poder medir el aprendizaje de los estudiantes.

“Este proyecto de ley representa lo mejor de ambos mundos,” dijo Lundeen.

Él les pidió a los legisladores que animaran a los padres a pedir que sus hijos tomen ambos exámenes.

“Un niño tiene años de educación académica por venir, y es importante entender dónde están,” dijo él.

Un pequeño número de personas opuestas al proyecto de ley provenientes de ambos lados testificó en la Cámara y el Senado, y dijeron que ellos quieren una de dos cosas: que los exámenes se cancelen completamente o que se continúen sin cambios.

Algunos legisladores tampoco estuvieron de acuerdo. El Senador Bob Rankin, republicano de Carbondale, se opuso al proyecto de ley porque no incluye un examen de inglés en cuarto grado. Colorado está en medio de un esfuerzo más grande para mejorar la enseñanza de lectura, y las interrupciones de este año han causado más preocupación.

El Senador Jeff Bridges, líder de la mayoría y demócrata de Greenwood, dijo que los legisladores encontraron juntos la solución apropiada.

“Este no es el ideal de nadie, sino exactamente lo que Colorado necesita este año,” dijo Bridges.

Los funcionarios de educación del estado esperan presentar la solicitud del permiso esta semana. El Departamento de Educación de Estados Unidos no ha establecido un plazo para contestar las solicitudes. El periodo de exámenes de Colorado comienza la próxima semana.

Las directrices federales no mencionan eliminar materias básicas de grados alternos como una posibilidad, pero un informe sobre métodos de evaluación alternativos preparado a principios de este año por el Center for Assessment para el Council of Chief State School Officers explora la idea.

Hasta ahora Colorado es el primer estado en proponer la eliminación de exámenes en materias básicas, según el Collaborative for Student Success, un grupo de defensa nacional que quiere ver que la mayor cantidad posible de estudiantes tome los exámenes y cree que éstos se pueden usar para dirigir recursos a los estudiantes que necesiten ayuda.

“Tenemos algunas inquietudes en cuanto a si el plan de Colorado podrá lograr eso y estamos observando la situación de cerca,” dijo el grupo en una declaración. “Todavía está por verse si el Departamento de Educación aprobará lo que el estado está pidiendo.”

Joyce Zurkowski, jefa de evaluaciones del Departamento de Educación de Colorado, dijo que las opciones como hacer el examen más corto no son viables en Colorado porque ya el estado acortó bastante los exámenes CMAS en el 2018. Administrar el examen completo en grados alternos dará más datos válidos de qué tan bien los estudiantes están cumpliendo las expectativas académicas.

“Esto es un acuerdo razonable que ojalá resuelva la necesidad de tener datos de los estudiantes y a la misma vez reconocer los muchos, muchos intereses en competencia que las escuelas tienen que cumplir para satisfacer las necesidades académicas, sociales y emocionales de sus estudiantes — y de sus maestros,” dijo ella.

Cómo el estado usa la información dependerá en gran parte de quién participe, dijo Zurkowski, no solamente de cuántos estudiantes, sino también si representan bien todos los trasfondos raciales y étnicos de Colorado, a los discapacitados, y a quieres provienen de hogares bajo el índice de pobreza.

Andrew Ho, profesor y experto en exámenes de la Escuela Graduada de Educación de Harvard, dijo que darles exámenes a los estudiantes en cada materia en años alternos es un balance adecuado entre el deseo de tener información sobre el aprendizaje y el deseo de reducir un poco la carga de dar exámenes.

Una estrategia así proporcionaría suficiente información para saber cuáles escuelas están batallando más ahora que hace dos años, dijo él, lo cual debería ser el propósito principal de los exámenes ahora. Los padres perderían la oportunidad de ver un cuadro más completo sobre el desempeño de sus hijos, pero los que formulan políticas podrían ver dónde se necesita más ayuda.

Ho enfatizó que para tener una idea precisa de eso, los estados necesitan cambiar cómo analizan y reportan los datos de los exámenes, en particular porque el porcentaje de estudiantes que no los tomarán será mayor y decenas de miles de estudiantes no están en los sistemas escolares.

Al mismo tiempo, dijo Ho, Colorado debe determinar cómo resolverá las brechas de aprendizaje identificadas por los exámenes, especialmente con los $1,200 millones en fondos federales que recibirán las escuelas K-12 del estado mediante el último plan de alivio del Congreso por el coronavirus. Las escuelas que estén teniendo dificultades podrían recibir mucho más apoyo financiero.

Sin un plan así, Ho dijo que él no ve el punto de dar exámenes.

“Esta es una situación de ‘o lo aceptas o te callas’ para los defensores de los exámenes educativos,” dijo Ho. “La teoría es convincente y la oportunidad está ahí, pero ellos necesitan un plan porque hay mucha desconfianza.”

El reportero nacional de Chalkbeat Matt Barnum aportó a este reportaje.

Traducción por Milly Suazo.

Te presentamos a los ocho candidatos al consejo escolar de Denver

2023-10-12T09:54:44+00:00

Read in English.

Ocho candidatos se están postulando para tres puestos vacantes en el consejo escolar de las Escuelas Públicas de Denver (DPS, por sus siglas en inglés).

Las elecciones llegan en un momento en el que muchos integrantes de la comunidad están preocupados por la seguridad en las escuelas y la violencia con armas de fuego, y en el que el distrito enfrenta la posibilidad de cerrar escuelas debido a que pocos estudiantes se están inscribiendo.

Los integrantes actuales del consejo han tenido dificultades para llevarse bien, y encuestas muestran que muchos residentes en Denver no confían en el consejo escolar.

Hay siete puestos en el consejo escolar, así que la mayoría no cambiará. Pero las elecciones podrían traer nuevas voces o resultar en que dos de los directores actuales, Scott Baldermann y Charmaine Lindsay, regresen para ocupar su puesto por un segundo plazo. Ninguno de los directores actuales se está postulando para el puesto at-large, en el cual se representa a todo el distrito.

Los tres puestos vacantes incluyen un puesto at-large, un puesto para el 1er Distrito, el cual representa al sudeste de Denver, y un puesto para el 5º Distrito, el cual representa al noroeste de Denver.

Les hicimos algunas preguntas a cada candidato al consejo escolar para que los votantes puedan informarse más sobre cada uno de los candidatos antes de votar. Lee las respuestas a continuación.

Para obtener más detalles sobre qué hacen los integrantes del consejo escolar, lee nuestra historia aquí.

Cuéntanos un poco sobre ti y cómo estás conectado/a con el distrito. ¿Cuánto tiempo has vivido en el distrito escolar? ¿Cuál es tu profesión?

Candidatos al puesto at-large (para representar a todo el distrito escolar)

Brittni Johnson: No respondió.

Kwame Spearman: La educación va más allá de un compromiso en nuestra familia; es un legado que empezó hace tres generaciones, con mi bisabuelo, director de una escuela en [el estado] segregado de Texas, y continuó con mi mamá, una educadora por 38 años aquí mismo en DPS. Como el hijo de una maestra de DPS y un [estudiante] graduado de DPS, sé personalmente dos cosas sobre DPS: su papel es apoyar a nuestros estudiantes, maestros y comunidad, y, en su mejor papel, DPS puede transformar vidas y resultados positivamente. Esto último es lo que me pasó a mí. DPS está en un momento decisivo. Necesitamos un tipo de experiencia diferente para ayudarnos a abordar la seguridad, la compensación de los maestros y nuestra brecha de logros. Veo un futuro donde el 100 por ciento de nuestros estudiantes de tercer grado puedan leer a nivel de grado, el 100 por ciento de nuestros estudiantes de high school se puedan graduar, y el 100 por ciento de nuestros estudiantes se sientan seguros en la escuela. Tengo la experiencia de vida, la visión y la determinación para guiar a DPS por los desafíos que enfrenta actualmente. Debido a mi postura política y método a favor de los maestros, también me respalda la Asociación de Maestros de Salones en Denver [(DCTA, por sus siglas en inglés)] y el sindicato AFL-CIO. Cuando eres el hijo de una maestra, abogar a favor de los estudiantes y maestros no es solo una promesa política; es profundamente personal. Creo que cada niño se merece una escuela en su vecindario que sea segura y garantice la excelencia de todos.

John Youngquist: Soy un [estudiante] graduado de DPS y un educador de toda la vida con 35 años de experiencia en DPS y distritos escolares en el área de Denver. He vivido en Denver por 46 años y tengo dos hijas que van a East High. Actualmente soy el director ejecutivo de operaciones para el Proyecto de Rescate y Apoyo para Pandillas y soy el presidente de PrincipalEd Consulting, donde apoyo a distritos y asesoro a líderes escolares y distritales.

1er Distrito

Scott Baldermann: Tengo dos estudiantes que van a su escuela de DPS en [nuestro] vecindario. He vivido en el distrito escolar desde 2002 y me crie en Aurora, Colorado. Este trayecto empezó para mí en 2016 cuando fui el presidente de la [Asociación de Padres y Maestros] en la Escuela Primaria Lincoln, y estuve muy involucrado en la huelga laboral de maestros en 2019. Mi título universitario es en arquitectura, y actualmente dirijo una pequeña compañía de software [enfocada] en la industria del ejercicio.

Kimberlee Sia: He sido educadora toda mi vida y apasionada por abogar a favor de la educación de calidad. Traigo más de 25 años de experiencia profesional, un sólido liderazgo ejecutivo y un profundo entendimiento sobre las diversas necesidades de los estudiantes, y una fuerte creencia en el poder de las colaboraciones. He interactuado con el distrito escolar como líder de una red escolar, como líder de organizaciones sin fines de lucro y como integrante de comités distritales y de los Consejos Colaborativos Escolares. También soy madre de dos estudiantes de DPS, un [estudiante de] cuarto grado y uno de séptimo grado, con diferentes necesidades de aprendizaje e intereses educativos, quienes han ido a escuelas de DPS desde el principio de sus trayectorias escolares. Mi familia y yo hemos vivido en Denver por 10 años. Profesionalmente, he sido maestra, directora, administradora a nivel distrito y la líder de una organización sin fines de lucro dedicada al desarrollo de los jóvenes. Actualmente, soy una asesora ejecutiva y consultora estratégica que trabaja en espacios educativos y sin fines de lucro.

5º Distrito

Marlene De La Rosa: Soy parte de la 4ª generación [de mi familia] en Denver, he vivido en el distrito la mayor parte de mi vida, y soy madre orgullosa de dos [estudiantes] graduados de DPS. He trabajado por más de tres décadas en los Tribunales de Inmigración del Departamento de Justicia de EE. UU. y recientemente me retiré como especialista en tribunales legales. Esto me ha ofrecido una extensa experiencia trabajando en una agencia que atiende al público [y] que trabaja con personas de diferentes orígenes culturales y socioeconómicos. Además, tengo décadas de experiencia participando en mi comunidad ofreciendo servicios en North e East High School, el Consejo Asesor de Educación Hispana de DPS, el Consejo Asesor de Padres de DPS, el Círculo de Líderes Latinas y, más recientemente, como la persona nombrada por el alcalde al consejo asesor del [Departamento de] Parques y Actividades Recreativas. Mis más de 20 años como voluntaria en DPS siempre se han enfocado en mejorar los resultados académicos de cada estudiante de DPS, al igual que en dedicarme a la participación de los padres y la comunidad.

Charmaine Lindsay: He vivido en el vecindario de Baker por 28 años. En junio de 2022, tuve el honor de ser elegida para representar al 5º Distrito como integrante del consejo de las Escuelas Públicas de Denver. Ser elegida por encima de los otros candidatos, altamente calificados e impresionantes, me otorga una gran responsabilidad hacia las padres y estudiantes del 5º Distrito y de todo DPS. Mi única motivación era y es promover el éxito de los niños de DPS. He sido una abogada practicante en Colorado desde 1996. Mi enfoque principal es en leyes familiares, y la mayoría de mis clientes son [personas con] bajos ingresos. He pasado mi carrera legal lidiando con el sistema de servicios sociales y tengo experiencia representando a niños y padres en tribunales familiares y [en casos] de negligencia. También defiendo en casos de desalojos y cobranzas, principalmente sin cobrar. Tengo un certificado en Resoluciones Alternativas de Disputas de la Universidad de Denver, y soy mediadora certificada y tengo experiencia y creo en la justicia reparadora.

Adam Slutzker: Soy padre de tres niños en edad escolar (3 años, 6 años y 8 años). He vivido en el noroeste de Denver desde 2019, pero he sido residente de Denver desde 2009. Tengo una maestría en educación (énfasis en matemáticas y ciencias en educación primaria) de la Universidad de Colorado en Denver y enseñé en escuelas primarias del Condado de Jefferson de 2010 a 2014. Me desempeñé los 2 últimos años como presidente del CSC. Entre 2014 y 2022, trabajé independientemente como agente de bienes raíces, carpintero y contratista y enfoqué gran parte de mi tiempo en ser el padre principal ya que mi esposa estaba cursando estudios graduados y ha seguido trabajando como enfermera practicante. Actualmente soy gerente de proyectos en un estudio de diseño en arquitectura. Nota de la editora: CSC significa Comité Colaborativo Escolar, por sus siglas en inglés, el cual es un grupo de padres, maestros e integrantes de la comunidad que ayuda en el proceso para tomar decisiones en una escuela.

¿Cuál crees que es el mayor problema que las Escuelas Públicas de Denver enfrentan y cómo esperas tener un impacto en ese problema como integrante del consejo escolar?

Candidatos al puesto at-large (para representar a todo el distrito escolar)

Brittni Johnson: No respondió.

Kwame Spearman: La seguridad es nuestro mayor problema singular—pero nuestras inquietudes de seguridad corren paralelas a un problema igualmente grande: tenemos una crisis de confianza en nuestro consejo actual y los líderes de DPS. Este problema naturalmente influye en todos los asuntos en cuestión en DPS, y presenta una amenaza para nuestra habilidad de tener escuelas seguras. Para recobrar la confianza, DPS debe demostrar que podemos enfocarnos en los logros de los estudiantes y el éxito de los maestros en lugar de las peleas internas, la arrogancia política y las redes sociales. Debemos innovar para resolver la epidemia de la salud mental juvenil, contratar maestros dedicados a la educación especial y negros, indígenas y personas de color [(BIPOC, por sus siglas en inglés]] y reducir el tamaño de las clases, para que nuestros maestros puedan apoyar mejor a los estudiantes. Este nivel de innovación en todo el distrito solo puede lograrse con un liderazgo cohesivo. Ayudaré a construir un consejo cohesivo para que podamos reemplazar los carteles que dicen “Renuncien DPS” con el optimismo de que podemos tener un distrito que nuevamente sea líder en el país.

John Youngquist: El rediseño de los sistemas de seguridad y salud mental es el problema más apremiante que DPS enfrenta actualmente. Como un director [escolar] con 18 años de experiencia, sé que abordar las inquietudes de seguridad y salud mental es vital para la participación de nuestros niños, y que debemos implementar medidas ahora. Tendré un impacto en [este problema] al obligar al superintendente a que: cree un acuerdo formal con la Policía de Denver y otros colaboradores de seguridad en mis primeros 60 días en el consejo; requiera que las voces de los estudiantes, padres y directores estén presentes en un rediseño completo de las pautas disciplinarias de DPS; indique que se aumenten significativamente los servicios para la salud mental en las escuelas y recomiende que se tripliquen las Clínicas de Salud Escolares; y, requiera un rediseño de los servicios para la salud mental en el distrito con medidas innovadoras como una adaptación de los sistemas de Respuesta de Apoyo Asistido en Equipo [(STAR, por sus siglas en inglés)] de Denver en las instalaciones escolares.

1er Distrito

Scott Baldermann: El mayor problema que el distrito enfrenta es la reducción en los estudiantes inscritos. Está causando que se desvíen fondos de los salones de clases en todo el distrito. El problema nace por la reducción en las tasas de nacimiento a partir de 2014. Cuando los edificios no se usan eficientemente, el tamaño de las clases aumenta, y los fondos se invierten en la administración duplicada. También hace que otros programas y servicios, como el transporte en autobuses amarillos, sean más costos y menos eficientes. Estas ineficiencias inevitablemente resultan en recortes del presupuesto en todo el distrito.

Kimberlee Sia: Mi prioridad principal para el distrito es implementar iniciativas relacionadas con la seguridad y el bienestar de los estudiantes, incluidos recursos para la enseñanza socioemocional, tener niveles de personal dedicado a servicios para la salud mental que cubran las necesidades de todos los estudiantes, asegurar que medidas preventivas como la implementación de prácticas reparadoras reciban fondos completos y tengan empleados en todas las escuelas, y asegurar que los protocolos y las prioridades de seguridad se implementen y monitoreen completamente para asegurar el éxito e identificar las brechas. Los resultados académicos de los estudiantes mejorarán si nos centramos en apoyar la salud mental, crear un sentido de pertenencia en la escuela, y abordar proactivamente las inquietudes de seguridad. La seguridad de los estudiantes es de suma importancia e incluye la seguridad social y emocional además de la seguridad física.

5o Distrito

Marlene De La Rosa: El rendimiento académico según se ve reflejado en la brecha de logros es el mayor problema que el distrito enfrenta actualmente. Denver tiene la brecha de logros más amplia entre todas las ciudades en el estado y eso es algo que no podemos aceptar. Casi un tercio de los estudiantes en el 5º Distrito son estudiantes multilingües, y el distrito debería tomar en consideración el crecimiento académico a lo largo del tiempo al igual que cubrir las necesidades específicas del niño completo. Aseguraré que estemos examinando el crecimiento académico, al igual que el rendimiento. Además, aseguraré que estemos proporcionando los recursos necesarios para las necesidades del niño completo, incluidos aquellos con desafíos en el aprendizaje. También tenemos que avanzar en la identificación de estudiantes que se puedan colocar en clases de educación avanzada.

Charmaine Lindsay: Durante las más de 20 visitas a escuelas que realicé este último año, la mayor inquietud que los líderes escolares expresaron fue cómo la pandemia había afectado las habilidades básicas de lectura y matemáticas. Como integrante del consejo escolar, planeo hacer que esto sea una prioridad al identificar áreas donde se necesitan más recursos y al continuar visitando las escuelas y colaborando con los maestros y padres. Necesitamos cerrar la brecha de logros para que nuestros estudiantes más marginados puedan triunfar.

Adam Slutzker: abordar la disminución de estudiantes inscritos y los cierres de las escuelas: Trabajaría para asegurar que los cierres de escuelas sean bien pensados y que estemos examinando cuidadosamente cuáles son las comunidades afectadas y tratemos de tomar esas decisiones difíciles de la manera más equitativa posible en todo el distrito.

El consejo escolar volvió a poner agentes armados en las escuelas de DPS después de un tiroteo adentro de East High este año. ¿Estás de acuerdo con esa decisión? ¿Cómo debe DPS garantizar que los estudiantes estén seguros?

Nota de la editora: En sus respuestas, muchos candidatos mencionan “SRO”. SRO son las siglas en inglés que se usan para describir a agentes armados de seguridad. Los SRO son agentes de la policía de la ciudad asignados adentro de las escuelas.

Candidatos al puesto at-large (para representar a todo el distrito escolar)

Brittni Johnson: No respondió.

Kwame Spearman: Nunca debimos haber sacado a los SRO de las escuelas sin un plan claro sobre cómo asegurar que los estudiantes y maestros estuvieran seguros sin ellos. Apoyo [la presencia de] SRO en las escuelas en este momento, como lo hacen el 70 por ciento de nuestros residentes. Para seguir avanzando, debemos reimaginar el papel que los SRO desempeñan para prevenir la criminalización y acoso injusto de estudiantes negros y latinos. A la vez que creamos estrategias para asegurar que nuestras escuelas sean [lugares] seguros, también creo que debemos esforzarnos por sacar todas las armas de fuego de las escuelas y trabajar para [crear] una realidad donde podamos mantener seguras nuestras escuelas sin agentes armados de seguridad. También necesitamos reinvertir en entornos alternativos de aprendizaje para los estudiantes de DPS que no están creando problemas serios de disciplina ni enfrentando cargos penales. Cada estudiante se merece una educación maravillosa en DPS, pero debemos aceptar que se necesitan diferentes entornos de aprendizaje para apoyar individualmente a los estudiantes y a nuestras escuelas en general.

John Youngquist: En noviembre, 2021, le escribí mi primer mensaje electrónico al superintendente porque no había una respuesta a las muchas amenazas en mi escuela y otras. Se ignoraron cuatro cartas más hasta que, después de más de un año, a un niño le dispararon y después murió. Después de que a dos más integrantes del personal les dispararan, la única medida tomada fue que regresaran los SRO. Sí, estoy de acuerdo con la decisión de que regresen los SRO porque el consejo y el superintendente siguen fracasando para tomar otras medidas. Hasta un nuevo “Plan de seguridad a largo plazo” incluye pocas ideas nuevas y está fracasando en su implementación inicial. Con SRO presentes como socios necesarios, debemos obligar a DPS para que cree e implemente finalmente un plan de seguridad que incluya: un acuerdo sólido con nuestros socios externos de seguridad; el fortalecimiento de la cultura, el comportamiento y los sistemas de salud mental en las escuelas; la capacitación y el apoyo de nuestros profesionales que atienden a nuestros estudiantes cada día.

1er Distrito

Scott Baldermann: Desarrollé [la versión] borrador de la norma para el regreso de los agentes armados de seguridad, la cual se aprobó en 2023. Sí, apoyo que regresen con un énfasis en que los SRO establezcan relaciones positivas con los estudiantes y seguridad—no la disciplina que la administración escolar puede abordar. Debemos priorizar el desarrollo del carácter a temprana edad y proporcionar más servicios integrales para los estudiantes que se desvían del camino. Necesitamos que el estado y la ciudad aumenten los fondos para ayudar a lograr esto. En el caso en el que a un estudiante lo acusen de un crimen violento, el estudiante debería recibir aún más servicios integrales y se debería colocar al estudiante en un entorno de aprendizaje alternativo, como asistir a clases por Zoom, a una escuela virtual o a una de las escuelas pathway del distrito, para que continúe su educación y retome el camino. (Nota de la editora: DPS tiene 22 escuelas pathway. Estas escuelas de educación media y high schools ofrecen a los estudiantes que no están avanzando para graduarse una opción diferente para que logren hacerlo.)

Kimberlee Sia: Estoy de acuerdo con la decisión del consejo de volver a colocar agentes armados de seguridad (SRO) en algunas escuelas de DPS. Los SRO tienen la oportunidad de ser integrantes clave de la comunidad escolar, y deben participar en capacitación en las escuelas relacionada con la cultura escolar y del personal, medidas de seguridad escolar, participación familiar y comunitaria y procedimientos y expectativas escolares. DPS debe asegurar que los estudiantes estén seguros al crear entornos acogedores y alentadores y promover un sentido de pertenencia entre todos los integrantes de la comunidad. Esto se puede hacer al proporcionarle al personal escolar capacitación en prácticas reparadoras y la escalera y matriz disciplinarias, proporcionar apoyos fuertes para la salud mental en cada escuela que ayuden a identificar y abordar los riesgos potenciales y creen un entorno favorable para los estudiantes, y designar recursos para financiar y contratar personal de programas socioemocionales que aseguren medidas preventivas más sólidas en cada escuela.

5º Distrito

Marlene De La Rosa: Apoyo la decisión actual del consejo de que regresen los SRO a las escuelas. DPS debe continuar monitoreando un plan integral de seguridad para incluir la intervención temprana en las necesidades de la salud socioemocional de los estudiantes, fortaleciendo las medidas de seguridad, cámaras, puntos de acceso, un programa de Safe2Tell y capacitación regular sobre seguridad para los empleados, los estudiantes y las familias. Monitorear las modificaciones que el distrito hizo en la matriz disciplinaria para enfocarse en la intervención temprana y en alternativas a infracciones por ciertas ofensas. Examinar los informes trimestrales de infracciones para asegurar que no haya desigualdades raciales/étnicas. DPS debe asegurar que toda la comunidad escolar sepa sobre el plan de seguridad integral, también interactuar con la comunidad para que los padres sepan que sus hijos están y se sienten tan seguros como sea posible. La decisión actual del Consejo de organizar una reunión crucial sobre seguridad ocultándola como una Sesión Ejecutiva, al igual que su decisión de limitar los comentarios del público, fueron simplemente malas [decisiones] y resultan en que se confíe menos en nuestras escuelas.

Charmaine Lindsay: La seguridad de los maestros, los niños y el personal es mi prioridad. Me siento orgullosa de haber liderado la votación para que regresaran los agentes armados de seguridad a las escuelas. Las pláticas iniciales fueron de 6 a 1 que se oponían a que regresaran permanentemente los SRO. El voto final para que regresaran fue 4 a 3. Mi título en justicia penal combinado con mi experiencia como abogada en leyes familiares abogando a favor de niños con bajos ingresos me ayudan a examinar todas las partes de un problema de seguridad. Trabajaré de cerca con DPS para monitorear a los SRO y prevenir los abusos que han ocurrido en el pasado. Soy una defensora de los derechos de los estudiantes y reconozco el impacto desproporcionado que esas normas han tenido en los estudiantes de color.

Adam Slutzker: Si sigue[n] siendo financiado[s] por la oficina del alcalde, estoy dispuesto a colaborar con los SRO siempre y cuando estén bien capacitados en el trabajo que se espera de ellos. Generalmente hablando, no creo que sean la mejor fuente para mantener seguros a nuestros estudiantes y preferiría ver que se invierta más dinero en servicios sociales y para la salud mental.

Melanie Asmar es reportera senior de Chalkbeat Colorado y cubre las Escuelas Públicas de Denver. Para comunicarte con Melanie, escríbele a masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Cierre de escuelas: Cómo Denver, Jeffco y Aurora están abordando la decisión

2022-11-10T13:54:01+00:00

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Tres de los distritos escolares más grandes de Colorado — Denver, Jeffco y Aurora — están enfrentando el mismo problema: reducción en el número de estudiantes. Pero cada uno está manejando las decisiones de cuáles escuelas cerrar de manera diferente.

El distrito de Aurora ya ha cerrado ocho escuelas en los últimos dos años, y algunas todavía están en proceso de cierre. Los miembros de la junta escolar han luchado con las decisiones, votando inicialmente en contra de dos recomendaciones de cierre este año antes de cambiar su voto.

Ahora el distrito está iniciando un proceso para averiguar qué hacer con los edificios vacíos, incluso cuando es posible que haya más cierres.

En Jeffco, después de cerrar dos escuelas abruptamente en los últimos dos años, una nueva administración recomendó cerrar 16 escuelas primarias todas a la vez al final de este año escolar. La junta escolar de Jeffco tiene prevista una votación sobre esta recomendación el jueves. Es probable que el distrito también recomiende el cierre de escuelas intermedias o secundarias el próximo año.

Denver ha iniciado, pausado y reiniciado un proceso de cierre de escuelas en los últimos dos años. Finalmente, el superintendente recomendó cerrar 10 escuelas primarias y secundarias al final de este año escolar. La junta escolar de Denver tiene previsto votar el 17 de noviembre.

Los padres tienen muchas preguntas sobre estas decisiones: ¿Cómo se selecciona cuál escuela cerrar? ¿Por qué algunos distritos están cerrando tantas escuelas a la vez? ¿Por qué los distritos escolares no tienen en cuenta los aspectos académicos o el papel que desempeñan las escuelas en sus comunidades?

A continuación, contestamos algunas de las preguntas más comunes y explicamos las diferencias de enfoque entre los tres distritos.

¿Qué factores tuvieron en cuenta los distritos a la hora de seleccionar las escuelas que iban a cerrar?

Denver y Jeffco basaron su decisión mayormente en el número de estudiantes, mientras que Aurora tuvo en cuenta una serie de factores, entre ellos de qué manera se podrían reutilizar los edificios escolares.

En Denver y Jeffco, se consideraron para cierre las escuelas con muy pocos estudiantes: menos de 215 en Denver y menos de 220 en Jeffco.

Los líderes de ambos distritos también consideraron si otra escuela o escuelas situadas a pocas millas de distancia podrían acoger a los estudiantes de la escuela cerrada. Por ejemplo, Denver decidió no cerrar cuatro escuelas pequeñas porque los funcionarios dijeron que no hay ninguna escuela en un radio de 2 millas que pueda recibir a sus estudiantes.

También se consideraron otros factores. En Denver, los administradores querían asegurar que los estudiantes que hablan español pudieran continuar su educación bilingüe o en dos idiomas. Y en Jeffco, los administradores también tuvieron en cuenta la cantidad de espacio del edificio que se está utilizando.

Aurora, que inició su proceso de cierre de escuelas en 2018, adoptó un enfoque diferente. El distrito creó siete regiones y se fijó en las tendencias de matrícula en cada zona, cuántos edificios el distrito podría necesitar, y qué edificios podrían albergar nuevos programas magnet o utilizarse para otros fines.

Una de las razones por las que la comunidad y la junta escolar ayudaron a Aurora a seleccionar este método es porque el distrito está perdiendo estudiantes en algunas regiones, mientras que está añadiendo nuevas subdivisiones en el este de la ciudad. Los líderes vieron una oportunidad de combinar el cierre de escuelas con un plan estratégico más amplio.

¿Por qué Denver y Jeffco están cerrando tantas escuelas a la vez?

La baja en matrícula no es un problema nuevo. Los líderes de Denver y Jeffco dicen que retrasar las decisiones en el pasado ha llevado a las escuelas a carecer de los recursos necesarios para atender bien a los estudiantes, a pesar de contar con subsidios presupuestarios substanciales. Jeffco también quiere evitar decisiones de emergencia que dejen a las familias en apuros, como ocurrió en las escuelas primarias Allendale y Fitzmorris.

Tanto en Denver como en Jeffco, los superintendentes le han pedido a la junta escolar que haga una votación de las recomendaciones de cierre como un paquete: todas las escuelas o ninguna.

“Creemos que resolver esto rápidamente apoyará a nuestra comunidad escolar para que haga algo realmente difícil y luego siga adelante para crear experiencias más prósperas para nuestros estudiantes”, dijo la Superintendente de Jeffco, Tracy Dorland.

Los líderes de Jeffco también dijeron que querían evitar tomar decisiones de cierre cada año, dejando a las familias preocupadas durante mucho tiempo. En Aurora, un proceso más largo con años de participación de la comunidad todavía dejó a las familias frustradas y sorprendidas por las recomendaciones de cierre.

Sin embargo, el superintendente de Aurora, Rico Munn, dijo que trabajar en fases permite que el distrito lleve cuenta del impacto.

“Es un campo muy dinámico en el que estamos hablando sobre matrícula y cambios demográficos, en particular después de la pandemia”, dijo Munn. “Queríamos detenernos y reflexionar durante el proceso”.

Este otoño, el distrito reabrió dos escuelas como escuelas magnet y está comenzando a llevar cuenta de cómo el interés en esas escuelas podría afectar la matrícula en toda la región y el distrito. Pero es demasiado pronto para saberlo, dijo Munn.

¿Por qué no se ha tenido en cuenta el aspecto académico?

El cierre de escuelas basado en los resultados académicos y de los exámenes ya no cuenta con el visto bueno político, y ninguno de los distritos tuvo en cuenta el desempeño para decidir qué escuelas cerrar y cuáles salvar.

En Aurora, el superintendente Munn dijo que el estado ya tiene un sistema de rendición de cuentas que registra el desempeño académico de las escuelas y puede emitir órdenes, entre ellas el cierre, como consecuencia cuando una escuela no mejora. “Pero no había interés en crear un segundo sistema”, dijo.

Sin embargo, eso ha hecho que los padres y la comunidad tengan preguntas: ¿Por qué cerrar escuelas que están funcionando para los estudiantes?

¿Qué pueden hacer las comunidades escolares para frenar los cierres?

No mucho, parece.

En los tres distritos, los administradores han tratado de evitar situaciones en las que los padres, los maestros y los miembros de la comunidad se unan para salvar sus escuelas.

En Aurora, los miembros de la junta escolar cedieron ante la presión pública y rechazaron dos recomendaciones de cierre, aunque cambiaron de parecer dos meses después.

Los miembros de la junta, cuya mayoría aún no habían sido elegidos cuando se puso en marcha el plan Blueprint de Aurora, se preguntaron por qué el distrito no tenía en cuenta la participación de los padres en su escuela o cómo una escuela encajaba en su comunidad al momento de hacer recomendaciones de cierre.

Munn dijo que no sería justo considerar la participación de la comunidad. Los padres que tienen varios trabajos pueden amar su escuela, pero no pueden asistir a las reuniones. Las escuelas más grandes pueden lograr que más padres luchen contra el cierre.

“Todos queríamos evitar que las comunidades escolares pelearan entre sí”, dijo Munn. “No conviene crear una competencia de popularidad”

Denver y Jeffco han seguido en gran medida el ejemplo de Aurora en este sentido, y es una de las razones por las a los miembros de la junta se les está pidiendo que aprueben los cierres como un paquete de escuelas, en vez de una por una.

Dorland, superintendente de Jeffco, llegó a decir que la participación de la comunidad no cambiará el resultado. En Denver, sin embargo, algunos miembros de la junta escolar parecieron sentirse preocupados por la falta de oportunidades para que las comunidades se involucraran en las decisiones para cerrar una escuela individual.

¿Cómo ha influido la comunidad en la toma de decisiones?

De los tres distritos, Aurora tuvo el proceso de participación comunitaria más amplio. Pero en los tres, los administradores tuvieron la última decisión de qué escuelas recomendar para el cierre.

Ahora los líderes de Denver y Jeffco están pidiendo la opinión de los padres y maestros sobre cómo ayudar a que la transición ocurra sin problemas, un enfoque que ha causado ira y frustración.

Aurora inició en 2018 la planificación de lo que se convirtió en Blueprint con consultores que ayudaron con encuestas, grupos de discusión y reuniones en la comunidad. El distrito concluyó que las familias querían más opciones escolares, pero que esas opciones debían ser escuelas del distrito, no escuelas chárter.

El distrito creó regiones con especializaciones únicas y está desarrollando nuevas escuelas magnet que se ajusten a esos temas. La necesidad de cerrar escuelas (o de usarlas con otros fines) estuvo presente en este proceso desde el principio, aunque no todos los miembros de la comunidad lo entendieron así. El distrito no tuvo mucha resistencia en las primeras rondas de cierres de escuelas. Este año los padres resistieron, pero finalmente no tuvieron éxito.

Denver convocó a grupos comunitarios a partir de 2017. El Strengthening Neighborhoods Committee se reunió con la meta de combatir la segregación en las escuelas y abordar los efectos de la gentrificación. Una de sus recomendaciones fue tener un “proceso transparente de consolidación de escuelas” que les permitiera a las comunidades “reimaginar” sus propias escuelas.

Un segundo comité formado este año, llamado Declining Enrollment Advisory Committe, estableció criterios de cierre de escuelas que fueron aplicados a la recomendación más reciente. Pero los miembros del comité estaban divididos porque muchos querían hablar de evitar la necesidad de cerrar escuelas, un tema que los administradores del distrito dijeron que no estaba sobre la mesa.

Ahora la participación de la comunidad de Denver se ha transferido a las escuelas individuales. Cada director de escuela está explicándole la recomendación a su comunidad escolar y haciendo todo lo posible por contestar las preguntas, una estrategia que el Superintendente Alex Marrero describió como “íntima e intensa”

“Creo que la gente que conocen, quieren y adoran, y que siguen, es la que puede decirles: ‘Ok, este es el plan y se necesita por esta razón”, dijo Marrero.

La junta escolar de Denver también organizará una sesión de comentarios públicos el 14 de noviembre.

En Jeffco, Dorland dejó claro que los comentarios de la comunidad no cambiarán las recomendaciones. El propósito de la participación de la comunidad era para determinar qué necesitan las familias para superar la transición.

De todos modos, cada escuela que se va a cerrar ha tenido una sesión de comentarios públicos de una hora con la junta escolar, lo cual es un total de por lo menos 16 horas de comentarios públicos.

Pero en un informe del grupo de consultores que dirige ese trabajo, quedó claro que las familias no estaban contentas. Muchos todavía querían hablar de las recomendaciones y obtener más respuestas a sus preguntas, y el Keystone Policy Center dijo que habían encontrado mucha desinformación y falta de confianza en el proceso.

¿Cómo decidieron los distritos el plazo para informar a los padres?

De los tres distritos, el proceso de Denver es el más breve, con poco más de tres semanas entre el anuncio de la recomendación el 25 de octubre y la votación programada para el 17 de noviembre. Si la junta vota que sí, las 10 escuelas cerrarían al final de este año escolar.

Pero Marrero, superintendente de Denver, argumentó que el proceso en realidad comenzó en junio de 2021 cuando la junta escolar aprobó una resolución que le ordena al superintendente consolidar las escuelas pequeñas.

La junta necesita votar este mes para que haya tiempo suficiente para poner en marcha el plan del próximo otoño, dijo Marrero. También dijo que detener el proceso haría que los estudiantes y el personal huyeran de las escuelas recomendadas para el cierre, empeorando la pérdida de matrícula.

En Jeffco, las familias tendrán más tiempo que en cierres de emergencia anteriores.

Por ejemplo, cuando el distrito cerró Allendale y Fitzmorris, las familias se les informó a las familias en la primavera, cuando faltaban pocas semanas para que terminara el año escolar y la escuela cerrara.

Las familias se perdieron la primera ronda para inscribirse en la escuela de su preferencia, y el distrito trabajó individualmente con las familias para asignar a los estudiantes a otra escuela para el próximo año escolar. Esta vez, la votación de la junta el 10 de noviembre está programada antes de que el distrito empiece su proceso del año para matricularse en la escuela de preferencia. Si las familias quieren elegir una escuela diferente a la que recomienda el distrito, pueden hacerlo.

Aurora también ha aumentado el plazo entre las recomendaciones y los cierres.

En la primera ronda de cierres que se decidió por votación en enero de 2021, la primera escuela cerró en junio de 2021 y las demás se irán eliminando poco a poco. En la segunda ronda de cierres, la junta votó en la primavera de 2022 y las escuelas cerrarán al final del año escolar 2022-23.

¿Los distritos han tenido en cuenta cuántos estudiantes podrían tener en el futuro?

Sí. Los tres distritos usaron un análisis que incluye factores como tasas de natalidad, desarrollo de vivienda y movilidad para pronosticar las tendencias en la población en edad escolar.

En Denver, el análisis más reciente, hecho esta última primavera, muestra que la ciudad tiene menos niños ahora que hace una década. La tasa de nacimientos está bajando más rápido entre las familias hispanas, y el distrito pronostica que eso “tendrá un impacto negativo significativo” en la matrícula. Actualmente, un poco más de la mitad de los casi 90,000 estudiantes de las escuelas públicas de Denver son hispanos.

El análisis también señala que la mayoría de las viviendas planificadas o permitidas son condominios, apartamentos y townhomes, que históricamente representan menos estudiantes que las casas de familia. Sin embargo, algunos miembros de la comunidad y hasta organizaciones como la casi municipal Autoridad de la Vivienda de Denver están cuestionando las proyecciones de Denver.

En Jeffco, un análisis similar presentado ante la junta escolar el miércoles demostró que los estudiantes que proceden de familias en pobreza están abandonando el distrito en mayor proporción que los estudiantes más acomodados. Los dos códigos de salida más comunes que registra el distrito muestran que los estudiantes se están mudando a otros distritos o a otro estado. Los líderes del distrito dijeron que sospechan que la falta de vivienda asequible está expulsando a las familias.

En Aurora, se proyecta que la cantidad de estudiantes crecerá de nuevo, pero no necesariamente en las mismas comunidades que antes.

En el este del distrito están surgiendo nuevas áreas de vivienda, que podrían requerir nuevas escuelas. Las escuelas en el oeste del distrito, más cerca de Denver, siguen experimentando un fuerte descenso porque el alto costo de la vivienda hace que las familias se vayan.

Originalmente, los líderes de Aurora esperaban que la matrícula comenzara a aumentar en 2021, pero el superintendente Munn dijo que la pandemia aceleró las bajas en el oeste, cambiando la expectativa. Todavía se espera un crecimiento, pero el distrito está observando de cerca los datos para analizar cuándo podría ocurrir.

Melanie Asmar es reportera senior de Chalkbeat Colorado, y cubre las Escuelas Públicas de Denver. Para comunicarte con Melanie, escríbele a masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Yesenia Robles es reportera para Chalkbeat Colorado y cubre asuntos relacionados con los distritos escolares K-12 y la educación multilingüe. Para comunicarte con Yesenia, envíale un mensaje a yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

El superintendente del DPS propone un plan para invertir en cuatro iniciativas

2022-05-12T17:35:22+00:00

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Los millones de dólares que las Escuelas Públicas de Denver (DPS) ahorrarán al recortar los empleados de la oficina central se gastarán en cuatro iniciativas, incluyendo la creación de “centros comunitarios” para proporcionar servicios a las familias, tales como clases de GED, apoyo a la salud mental y ayuda con la colocación de empleo.

Eso es lo que dice el plan presentado por el superintendente Alex Marrero en una reunión del consejo escolar el 5 de mayo. Dos días antes, el 3 de mayo, el distrito dijo a 131 empleados de la oficina central que sus puestos de trabajo iban a ser recortados. Debido a que algunos puestos están siendo reubicados, en algunos casos con nuevos títulos de trabajo, la reducción neta de los puestos de la oficina central es de 76, dijo un portavoz del distrito.

La eliminación de esos 76 puestos ahorrará al distrito 9 millones de dólares el próximo año, dijeron los funcionarios. El presupuesto total del distrito es de unos 1.200 millones de dólares.

Marrero dijo a la junta escolar que planea invertir esos 9 millones de dólares en:

Abrir seis centros comunitarios este otoño en asociación con la ciudad de Denver y organizaciones comunitarias, incluyendo la Autoridad de Vivienda de Denver, el Comité Organizador de Montbello, Westwood Unidos, y otros. Los centros comunitarios utilizarían un enfoque de dos generaciones, prestando servicios a los jóvenes estudiantes y a sus familias.

Estos servicios podrían incluir asistencia para cubrir necesidades básicas como la alimentación, la ropa y la vivienda; ayuda para el desarrollo de la mano de obra, como la elaboración de currículos y la preparación de entrevistas; clases de GED, ciudadanía e inglés; y servicios de salud mental para adultos, entre otras cosas.

Marrero dijo que aún no se ha decidido la ubicación de los centros comunitarios, pero espera que haya uno en cada región de la ciudad. Las ubicaciones serán probablemente temporales, ya que el distrito pilotará los centros el próximo año escolar, dijo.

Aumentar los salarios de los trabajadores por hora, incluidos los paraprofesionales, los trabajadores del servicio de alimentos, los conserjes, los técnicos de salud que ayudan en las oficinas de las enfermeras escolares, y otros. Marrero dijo que alrededor de 1.200 empleados del distrito ganan actualmente el salario mínimo de la ciudad de $ 15,87, y esta inversión aumentaría eso, aunque no dijo por cuánto. El objetivo, dijo, es aumentar los salarios con el tiempo a 20 dólares por hora, una prioridad del vicepresidente de la junta Tay Anderson.

Compensar el aumento de los gastos de salud de todos los empleados del distrito. Las primas de los planes de salud más grandes del distrito aumentaron un 10% este año, dijo Marrero. El distrito tiene la intención de utilizar algunos de los ahorros de la oficina central para pagar eso para que los empleados no tengan que asumir el costo total.

Apoyar a las escuelas con disminución de la matrícula complementando sus presupuestos. Las escuelas de Denver se financian por estudiante, y menos estudiantes significan menos dinero para contratar a profesores y otro personal. Mientras el distrito debate cómo cerrar o consolidar las escuelas pequeñas, Marrero dijo que este dinero ayudaría a las escuelas a capear los descensos de financiación.

La presentación de Marrero no especificó cómo se dividirán los 9 millones de dólares entre las cuatro iniciativas. La junta escolar está programada para votar el presupuesto del próximo año a principios de junio.

Melanie Asmar es reportera senior de Chalkbeat Colorado, y cubre las escuelas públicas de Denver. Para comunicarte con Melanie, envíale un mensaje a masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Traducido por Juan Carlos Uribe, The Weekly Issue/El Semanario.

El próximo año habrá comidas gratis en la mayoría de los distritos escolares de Colorado. ¿El tuyo será uno de ellos?

2022-12-19T18:09:11+00:00

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Muchos distritos escolares de Colorado, entre ellos Jeffco, Cherry Creek, Aurora y Adams 14, tienen planes de ofrecer comidas gratis a todos los estudiantes a partir del otoño de 2023 con un programa estatal nuevo. Este programa será financiado con un impuesto aprobado por los electores y que afectará solamente a las personas con un alto nivel de ingresos.

Chalkbeat hizo una encuesta entre dos docenas de distritos, y 16 de ellos planean tener un plan universal de comidas gratis para todos los estudiantes el próximo año. Algunos distritos todavía no han decidido, y estos incluyen dos de los más grandes de Colorado — Denver y Douglas County.

Brehan Riley, director de nutrición escolar del Departamento de Educación de Colorado, dijo lo siguiente acerca de los funcionarios de los distritos escolares: “Parece que a muchos les interesa, pero todavía no están seguros. Quieren entender el programa un poco más.”

El programa, llamado Healthy School Meals for All, tiene como propósito asegurar que los estudiantes obtengan la nutrición necesaria para aprender y eliminar el estigma que a veces se asocia con el método actual que se usa para determinar quién recibirá comidas gratuitas (según los ingresos).

La iniciativa fue aprobada justo después de dos años en los que el gobierno federal eliminó los requisitos de elegibilidad basada en ingresos, y ahora permite que las escuelas les ofrezcan desayunos y almuerzos gratuitos a todos los estudiantes. Los requisitos volverían a aplicarse este otoño, pero los legisladores y defensores encontraron una manera de volver a tener comidas gratuitas el próximo año pidiéndoles a los electores de Colorado que aprobaran una asignación de fondos nueva con la Propuesta FF.

Los electores dijeron que sí.

La medida generará más de $100 millones al año reduciendo las deducciones de impuestos disponibles para las familias con ingresos de $300,000 o más.

A muchos funcionarios de distrito les entusiasma la idea de alimentar más estudiantes, tal como lo hicieron durante los dos primeros años de la pandemia. Cuando las comidas eran gratis gracias a la eliminación de los requisitos de elegibilidad, los administradores de Boulder Valley vieron un 40% de aumento en la cantidad de estudiantes que comían en la cafetería escolar, el Distrito 27J vio un aumento de 20-30%, y Aurora tuvo un aumento de 7-10%.

Beth Wallace, directora ejecutiva de servicios de comidas y nutrición, dijo que durante la pandemia 30% más estudiantes estaban comiendo en la escuela.

“Estamos atendiendo a esas familias que simplemente necesitan esa ayudita adicional”, dijo ella. “Quizás no califican para comidas gratis o a precio reducido, pero son familias trabajadoras que están teniendo dificultad para afrontar todos sus gastos.”

Algunos padres le han dicho que solamente permiten que sus hijos coman en la escuela dos veces a la semana, cuando el menú incluye sus platos favoritos, porque ellos simplemente no pueden pagar el costo de comer todos los días.

“Estoy sumamente contenta de poder ayudar a esas familias”, nos dijo.

Wallace también dijo que, aunque en el sistema actual no hay manera de que los estudiantes sepan quién está comiendo gratis, es fácil notarlo. Cuando su hijo era más pequeño, ella lo alentaba a comer desayuno en la escuela, pero él se negaba diciendo, ‘mamá, no voy a comer desayuno en la escuela. Eso es para los niños que comen gratis.”

Algunos defensores dicen que ese estigma afecta también a los padres.

En comunidades pequeñas, conoces a la gente que trabaja en la escuela y quizás no quieras decir, ‘necesitamos esta ayuda’ ”, dijo Ashley Wheeland, directora de política pública de la organización sin fines de lucro Hunger Free Colorado.

Para participar en el programa universal de comidas gratis, los distritos escolares de Colorado tendrán que maximizar la cantidad de dólares federales que obtienen solicitando un programa llamado Community Eligibility Provision. Este programa nacional ayuda a cubrir el costo de los programas universales de comidas gratis en las escuelas donde una gran proporción de estudiantes proviene de familias que reciben ciertos beneficios del gobierno, por ejemplo, cupones de alimentos o asistencia financiera con un programa TANF (Temporary Assistance to Needy Families). Las familias en esas escuelas no tendrán que llenar solicitudes para obtener comidas gratis o a precio reducido.

Actualmente, 107 escuelas de Colorado en 26 distritos ofrecen programas universales de comidas gratis a través del programa Community Eligibility Provision. En distritos como Harrison y Pueblo 60, que participan a nivel de distrito, muy poco cambiará para el próximo año. Esos distritos continuarán ofreciéndoles comidas gratis a todos sus estudiantes.

No obstante, hasta las escuelas de Colorado que no califican para el programa Community Eligibility Provision podrán ofrecerles comidas gratis a todos los estudiantes el próximo año porque podrán acceder a los fondos provenientes de la Propuesta FF. Las familias todavía tendrán que llenar solicitudes para obtener comidas gratis o a precio reducido.

Algunos funcionarios de distritos dicen que les preocupa que las familias se confundan si tienen que llenar una solicitud de comida para un hijo, pero no para otro que asiste a una escuela elegible para el programa Community Eligibility Provision.

“Me imagino a un padre pensando ‘no lo entiendo’”, dijo Riley.

La idea, dijo ella, es que ambas escuelas están maximizando los fondos federales que reciben para las comidas. El detalle es que lo están haciendo de dos maneras distintas.

Algunos líderes de los servicios de comidas escolares dicen que les preocupa la falta de personal, las interrupciones en la cadena de suministro, y la necesidad de equipo nuevo para acomodar el aumento en la demanda.

Wallace, que está en Jeffco, dijo que siempre es preocupante tener suficiente espacio para almacenar alimentos y capacidad para cocinar, pero que confía que el distrito podrá hacer que todo funcione porque lo hizo durante la pandemia, cuando había más estudiantes comiendo más comidas en la escuela.

Ella dijo que, al aumentar el volumen de comidas, los distritos pueden obtener mejores precios en los alimentos. Esto puede resultar en que, aunque aumenten los precios un poco, se pueda tener mejores frutas, como por ejemplo fresas, por más semanas en el año.

Riley dijo que, con el programa universal de comidas, los distritos también podrán eliminar el inconveniente administrativo de tratar de tratar de cobrar las cuentas sin pagar — cargos incurridos cuando los estudiantes comen en la escuela pero no son elegibles para comidas gratis y no tienen dinero para pagar en ese momento. Desde que volvieron a aplicarse los requisitos de elegibilidad por ingresos, ella dice que ha escuchado de los administradores de comedores escolares que la deuda está aumentando otra vez.

Ann Schimke es reportera senior en Chalkbeat y cubre temas de niñez temprana y alfabetización temprana. Para comunicarte con Ann, envíale un mensaje a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Comunidad frustrada con las reuniones cerradas de DPS, el debate limitado

2022-04-14T02:03:27+00:00

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A medida que Denver avanza hacia un tenso debate sobre el cierre de escuelas con baja matrícula, los críticos están atacando un proceso de comité asesor que dicen ha sido empañado por el secreto y la frustración.

Algunos miembros del comité y de la comunidad se quejan de las reuniones cerradas, de la escasa traducción para los padres de habla hispana, de las preguntas ignoradas, del debate sofocado y de los comentarios filtrados.

“Cada vez que alguien hace una pregunta, se le dice que no va a ser respondida y que no hay tiempo suficiente, que vamos a seguir adelante”, dijo Karimme Quintana, una madre hispanohablante de dos estudiantes que forma parte del comité asesor del distrito sobre la disminución de la matrícula.

“Parece que todo está ya hecho, todo está ya decidido”, dijo. “Sólo nos tienen ahí para que al final puedan decir que estos miembros del comité decidieron”.

La falta de participación de la comunidad y la sensación de que las decisiones ya están tomadas en el momento en que el distrito pide su opinión son críticas frecuentes a las Escuelas Públicas de Denver (DPS). El consejo escolar dejó claro que esta vez quería escuchar las voces de la comunidad. En junio, la junta aprobó una resolución diciendo que la comunidad debe liderar, y el distrito apoyar, el proceso de producción de opciones para gestionar la reducción de la matrícula - aunque la resolución implicaba que los cierres de escuelas eran inevitables.

Pero algunas de las personas que participaron en el proceso dijeron que adolece de los mismos defectos de siempre.

“No se siente auténtico”, dijo Cynthia Trinidad-Sheahan, el director ejecutivo de la Asociación de Colorado para la Educación Bilingüe y otro miembro del comité. “Sólo se siente como una cosa de cumplimiento - marcarlo, tuvimos los comités”.

Después de algunas polémicas, el distrito nombró un comité asesor sobre la disminución de la matrícula que comenzó a reunirse a principios del mes pasado. El propósito declarado del comité es recomendar criterios al Superintendente Alex Marrero para cerrar o consolidar escuelas. Las recomendaciones deben presentarse el mes que viene, pero el distrito dice que no se cerrarán escuelas hasta 2024.

Los cierres de escuelas son muy impopulares y a menudo injustos. Denver corre el riesgo de repetirlo. Sus escuelas más pequeñas atienden a un alto porcentaje de estudiantes de color procedentes de familias con bajos ingresos, según los datos del distrito. Varios miembros del comité han expresado su frustración por no poder cuestionar la justicia del cierre de escuelas o discutir otras soluciones para abordar la disminución de la matrícula.

“Cuando dicen ‘comité de disminución de la matrícula’, pienso: ‘¿Qué ideas tenemos para abordarlo? No sólo, ‘¿Cuáles son las recomendaciones para cerrar y consolidar?’” dijo Gene Fashaw, un padre y ex maestro de Denver en el comité. “Eso es lo único que quieren oír”.

‘Un poco desarticulado’

Grant Guyer, jefe de estrategia y servicios de cartera del distrito, dijo que el enfoque estrecho es intencional. “Aunque entiendo que este es un tema increíblemente complicado con muchas capas y perspectivas, el comité se centra en los criterios”, dijo Guyer. “Si la gente quiere abogar por otros enfoques, tenemos que dirigirlos a través de otros canales”.

Mientras tanto, los padres y los defensores de la educación que no están en el comité se sienten frustrados por lo que dicen que ha sido un proceso secreto. Las reuniones de los miércoles del comité no están abiertas al público, ni las sesiones virtuales se graban y se comparten después - lo que Guyer dijo es para asegurar que el comité tenga un espacio seguro para discutir un tema complicado.

Después de que las organizaciones de la comunidad plantearan su preocupación por la falta de transparencia, el distrito comenzó a organizar reuniones separadas los viernes para algunas organizaciones. Los participantes dijeron que el distrito les muestra los mismos materiales y datos que dice que muestra al comité el miércoles y luego pide a las organizaciones sus comentarios que promete transmitir al comité.

Pero los participantes también tienen dudas sobre ese proceso, que según algunos parece un juego telefónico: ellos dan su opinión al personal del distrito, que se la da a los miembros del comité.

“DPS está controlando la información que se transmite”, dijo Shantelle Mulliniks, una madre de Denver que fue invitada a las reuniones del viernes como representante de la Asociación de Vecinos de West Colfax, una asociación de vecinos en una parte de la ciudad que ha perdido estudiantes.

El distrito también contrató a una organización de compromiso cívico, Warm Cookies of the Revolution, para que recogiera las opiniones de las familias y las entregara al comité.

Warm Cookies subcontrató a otra organización, Community Organizing for Radical Empathy, que contrató a enlaces para realizar el trabajo a mediados de abril. Uno de los enlaces dijo que el proceso se siente apresurado, con los enlaces luchando para establecer reuniones en las bibliotecas, las escuelas y en línea.

“La participación de la comunidad, en mi opinión, debería ser reflexiva y consciente y debería llevar todo el tiempo que sea necesario”, dijo Erin Phelan, una madre de Denver que fue contratada como enlace. “En esta situación en la que nos encontramos, sólo estamos tratando de obtener la retroalimentación que podemos en el corto plazo que tenemos”.

El proceso “parece estar un poco desarticulado”, dijo Ambar Suero, que antes trabajaba en la oficina de participación comunitaria del distrito y ahora está a cargo de las asociaciones en RootEd, una organización de Denver que financia escuelas autónomas, grupos comunitarios e iniciativas de equidad.

Aunque Suero ha seguido de cerca este asunto, dijo que sólo se enteró de los enlaces porque vio una publicación que solicitaba comentarios en Facebook.

‘Nos están dejando de lado’

Un director de escuela ya ha renunciado al comité asesor sobre la disminución de la matrícula.

Dominique Jefferson es directora de la Academia Hallett, una escuela primaria del distrito con menos de 300 alumnos. Dijo que se presentó al comité para asegurarse de que los criterios evitarían el cierre de Hallett, pero que se desanimó rápidamente por las reuniones virtuales en las que el distrito cortó a los miembros que intentaban discutir los factores que llevaron a la disminución de la matrícula.

“No creo intrínsecamente en el cierre o la consolidación de escuelas”, dijo Jefferson. “Si nos han amonestado para que no hablemos de las razones por las que llegamos aquí, no permitiré que se pierda mi tiempo”.

No todos los miembros del comité están frustrados. Onsi Fakhouri, padre de tres estudiantes de Denver, dijo que se unió al comité con pocas expectativas más allá de querer ayudar. Antiguo ejecutivo de una empresa de tecnología, Fakhouri dijo que el proceso se está desarrollando como lo haría cualquier proceso en el que un grupo diverso de personas intenta llegar a un consenso sobre un tema complicado.

“Estoy viendo esto y es como, ‘Esto es totalmente normal’”, dijo Fakhouri.

Mientras que las primeras reuniones del comité se centraron en proporcionar los antecedentes del problema de la matriculación -explicando cómo la disminución de las tasas de natalidad y los altos costos de la vivienda están llevando a un menor número de niños en Denver- Guyer dijo que la reunión de la semana pasada fue la primera en la que los miembros comenzaron a hacer una lluvia de ideas.

Después de haber planeado inicialmente publicar las notas de la sesión en el sitio web del distrito para recibir comentarios, los funcionarios del distrito dijeron que los miembros del comité no habían llegado a un acuerdo suficiente para compartir nada públicamente. Sin embargo, el distrito tiene previsto publicar una encuesta para recabar más opiniones.

Pero algunos miembros de la comunidad siguen siendo escépticos. Sostienen que la desconfianza en el proceso llevará a la desconfianza en las recomendaciones. La comunidad latina se siente particularmente excluida, lo que es preocupante dado que el cierre de escuelas probablemente afectará de manera desproporcionada a los estudiantes latinos.

La matriculación en barrios como el que vive Quintana, miembro del comité, está disminuyendo rápidamente debido en parte al aburguesamiento. Quintana dijo que se unió al comité para discutir soluciones, pero que ahora está desanimada. La traducción al español en las primeras reuniones fue la peor que ha experimentado, dijo. Guyer dijo que los problemas de traducción se han solucionado.

Milo Márquez, un padre de Denver y copresidente de un grupo comunitario llamado Coalición de Educación Latina, dijo que parece que el distrito está suprimiendo intencionadamente las voces latinas.

“DPS ha dicho una y otra vez que quieren que las voces de la comunidad sean escuchadas”, dijo, “y una y otra vez vemos que nos están dejando fuera”.

Melanie Asmar es reportera principal de Chalkbeat Colorado, y cubre las escuelas públicas de Denver. Para comunicarte con Melanie, envíale un mensaje a masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Traducido por Juan Carlos Uribe, The Weekly Issue/El Semanario.

Special education data and the teacher pipeline: NY education officials share budget priorities

2023-12-12T17:10:53+00:00

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New York’s Board of Regents has called for increased investments in the state’s information technology infrastructure, a bolstered educator pipeline, and additional money to update the state’s learning standards.

As part of its annual state budget proposal, members of the board outlined its priorities for the upcoming fiscal year, before lawmakers return to Albany for the next legislative session. The proposal, unanimously approved Monday by the Regents, provides a set of recommendations for Gov. Kathy Hochul and the state legislature. Hochul is due to issue her own budget recommendations in January and ask lawmakers to approve a 2024-25 fiscal budget later in the spring.

As its top priority, the Regents asked for $4.3 million to update the state education department’s aging IT infrastructure, as well as an additional $16 million for state data systems — much of which would support a special education data system to help identify where certain programs were lacking or had extra capacity, officials said.

The infrastructure investments are critical in order to maintain secure and stable systems that will facilitate the department’s work across all other education issues, officials said.

The Regents also sought to address teacher shortages that have impacted New York and other states by seeking nearly $4 million over three years to bolster and diversify its educator recruitment pipeline.

Though New York City hasn’t endured the kind of severe teacher shortages that have hit other parts of the state and the country, its pool of educators shrunk by roughly 2,000 last year, according to city data as of September.

The Regents asked lawmakers to devote an additional $1.4 million to update the state’s learning standards, particularly in literacy and health, and to better align them with culturally responsive-sustaining education practices. The proposed funding comes after a state commission tasked with rethinking the state’s graduation requirements included updated learning standards among its proposed changes.

The board also called for more than $250 million in funding to modernize Foundation Aid, a formula that sends state money to its roughly 700 school districts. While the formula already sends more money for schools with high-need students, proposed revisions would update how students in poverty are counted, among other changes.

Other priorities included:

funding expanded access to career and technical education and early college programs;
ensuring special education services are fulfilled;
creating statewide hybrid high school programming for students in juvenile justice settings;
supporting library construction;
assisting the state’s long-term transition to zero-emission buses;
translating assessments for students who are English-language learners.

New York City budget concerns prompt discussion

During the board’s Monday discussion of its priorities for the next legislative session, Regent Shino Tanikawa raised concerns over the looming financial challenges many school districts face, as federal pandemic aid is set to dry up next year.

With that fiscal cliff on the horizon, Mayor Eric Adams has directed the city’s Education Department to cut its budget by nearly $550 million.

“In New York City alone, there are going to be many critical programs that will be eliminated,” Tanikawa said, pointing to social workers, expanded pre-school and summer enrichment programs. “If we don’t ask the state to step in to continue some of those programs, our students are at risk of slipping back to where they were three years ago.”

Regent Roger Tilles also emphasized that concern. He expressed fears over how the influx of asylum-seeking students in New York City would continue to impact New York’s schools.

“I’m at a loss,” he said. “I don’t know what the answer is. I have no idea what we should be doing, but I know the state should be doing something.”

State officials noted that while the current state funding model does not account for enrollment spikes during the school year, the budget proposal recommends adding additional midyear funding to support schools experiencing rapid growth.

“We have got to be careful, because it isn’t just, ‘How do we replace the federal funds?’” said State Education Chancellor Lester Young. “It is also in the context of: How were those funds used?

“Part of what we want to do is have a more informed approach,” he added. “It’s not going to be solved just having one meeting.”

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

Mayoral control comes under fire at Bronx public hearing

2023-12-06T17:24:44+00:00

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Parents, educators, and others at a Bronx public hearing voiced their concerns about New York City’s long-standing mayoral control system with a resounding message: the system should end or be revised.

Common themes emerged among the more than 40 speakers during Tuesday night’s hearing at DeWitt Clinton High School. Many pointed to the instability of hinging major education policies on an elected official who can change as often as every four years, while also criticizing sweeping school initiatives helmed by current and former mayors.

The hearing was the first of five that state officials are hosting in each borough through January, offering families, educators, school staff, and others an opportunity to weigh in on the city’s mayoral control system. (The hearings are in-person and live-streamed.) It comes as part of a comprehensive state review of New York City’s school governance structure, which is set to expire on June 30.

That means that Mayor Eric Adams will need to return to Albany in the next legislative session if he hopes to retain control of the nation’s largest school system.

Christina Cover, a Bronx special education teacher and literacy coordinator, spoke at the hearing in praise of the city’s ongoing literacy curriculum overhaul — one of the Adams administration’s most significant educational policies. But despite feeling that initiative was important, she urged the city to adopt a community-based school governance model.

“This initiative — like the many initiatives before — risks being stopped completely with the start of a new mayoral administration,” she said. “Mayoral control, for better or for worse, ties educational initiatives to wide scale and massively funded mayoral campaign cycles.”

She continued: “Not everyone votes for a mayor on educational issues. School accountability during mayoral elections is hardly accountability at all.”

Speakers criticize Bloomberg, Adams educational policies

In arguing against the current system, other speakers pointed to what they saw as harmful mayoral decisions.

Sandy Wong, a kindergarten teacher at P.S. 30 in the Bronx, said her community suffered under the policies of former Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who in 2002 became the first chief executive to gain full control of the school system. She decried Bloomberg’s decisions to close many low-performing schools and champion charter school alternatives, and worries now that Adams’ call to cut nearly $550 million from the city’s schools budget will further harm her students.

“The teachers and parents in our school district are always putting their hands in their pockets to pay for basic school supplies like pencils, erasers, erasable markers, glue sticks, and paper,” she said. “My students, particularly those from marginalized communities, are disproportionately affected, falling behind their peers and other school districts.”

Students in the Bronx scored the lowest rates of proficiency among the five boroughs on the most recent state reading and math exams, according to city data.

Mayoral control has been regularly extended over the past two decades, though often with tweaks. It has relied on the mayor’s power to choose the schools chancellor and appoint a majority of members to the city’s Panel on Educational Policy, or PEP, which votes on major policy proposals and contracts.

Adams retained both in a deal state lawmakers struck in 2022, but some changes weakened his level of control. One change, for example, meant PEP members could no longer be removed for voting against their appointer’s wishes, making it harder to remove a panelist for opposing proposals from City Hall. At the same time, the board also expanded from 15 to 23 members, with the mayor appointing 13 of them and keeping the majority.

Speakers who wanted the current system amended repeatedly called for further checks and balances to be placed on the mayor’s power, particularly when it comes to the PEP.

At the hearing, Naveed Hasan, one of five PEP members elected by the city’s parent councils, alleged his own role on the panel was “a farce.”

Schools Chancellor defends mayoral control system

One of Tuesday night’s few defenders of the status quo came from the Adams’ administration: schools Chancellor David Banks.

Banks, who referred to the current system only as “mayoral accountability,” admitted there was “no perfect governance system.” As someone who has worked in New York City public schools for decades — as a school safety agent, teacher, and principal — he said he’s seen improvements under the current structure.

“I know from firsthand experience the flaws of the previous system and the ways that our students suffered as a result,” he said. “Mayoral accountability, in contrast, is as close as we can get to a system that is the most manageable, least politicized, and most impactful.”

As the chancellor’s time expired, an audience member loudly booed.

Rebukes of the city’s mayoral control system long predate the Bronx hearing. Ahead of the public testimony, some used their positions on parent councils to voice their opposition.

In a resolution passed last week by the Citywide Council on Special Education, members called on the state legislature to end mayoral control, citing “a lack of checks and balances that would otherwise be provided by a democratically elected school board,” among other concerns.

New York City isn’t the only large school system grappling with its centralized school governance structure. In Chicago, where mayoral control of schools was established in 1995, the city will transition to a fully elected school board by 2027.

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado poll finds voters skeptical of college, more supportive of career education

2023-12-05T12:46:00+00:00

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It’s more important for Colorado schools to prepare students for the workforce than to prepare them to attend college.

That’s the opinion of more than 60% of respondents in a recent poll of education attitudes among Colorado voters. Magellan Strategies surveyed a representative group of 1,550 Colorado registered voters in September. The survey has a margin of error of 2.5%.

Magellan Strategies has done regular polling about education attitudes for several years. This is the first time the firm has included questions about CTE and higher education attitudes.

Respondents cited the high cost of college and questioned how useful college is to helping graduates get jobs, even though the majority of the respondents had a bachelor’s degree or higher themselves. Registered voters as a group have higher education and higher income levels than the general population.

Magellan Strategies CEO David Flaherty said some Republicans and conservatives brought up ideological concerns — such as colleges being hotbeds of “woke” thinking — but across the political spectrum, respondents wondered about the value of higher education, sometimes citing their own experiences of high student debt and low-paying jobs. Others worried about increasingly sophisticated artificial intelligence systems doing away with jobs.

“You can feel that skepticism about the availability of a white-collar job at the other end,” Flaherty said.

Magellan’s findings echo those of a national poll of Gen Z students earlier this year that also found growing skepticism among young people of the value of a four-year degree. Those respondents still thought education after high school was important, but they were more interested in trade schools, industry certificates, and two-year programs that would help them get good-paying jobs with less debt.

Flaherty said colleges should take note of the findings, especially as they brace for declining enrollment. They need to get costs under control and show families and policy makers that an education is worth the investment of time and money, he said.

The flip side is that career and technical education scores very well with voters and helps counter concerns among conservative voters that schools are on the wrong track, Flaherty said.

Magellan found that more than half of respondents weren’t sure if their local school districts offered career and technical education, but more than 86% would have a more favorable view of their school district if they knew about such programs, which can range from auto mechanics and cosmetology to health sciences and graphic design.

The poll showed that nearly half of voters think that schools are on the wrong track, and less than a third think they’re on the right track. That’s a worse view of education than voters had before the pandemic but similar to more recent polls.

Among conservatives, negative views of schools appeared to be shaped by national conservative media, Flaherty said, with respondents noting concerns about how schools handle gender identity and whether books in school libraries contain sexual content. Progressive voters are concerned about low funding and what they see as conservative attacks on public education.

Compared to last year, more Colorado voters said schools would provide a better education if they had more money — 61% compared with 56% in April 2022. But nearly half of respondents said they doubted their local school district was managing its finances wisely.

Asked about their top priorities, respondents said schools should focus on attracting and retaining high-quality educators, raising pay to keep pace with inflation, and preparing students for the workforce.

Magellan also asked respondents how they feel about the prospect of closing schools. With lower birth rates, many Colorado school districts are seeing fewer students, which in turn means less state funding. Jeffco Public Schools, the state’s second largest school district, closed 21 schools in the last two years, despite pushback from parents. Others, such as Denver Public Schools, have balked at widespread closures in the face of community backlash.

When the downsides of small schools — such as offering fewer students services and less arts programming due to budget constraints — were explained to respondents, more than half said that school districts should consider closing schools.

See the full poll results, including regional breakdowns, here.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Newark Board of Education won’t take action to seat new board member despite ethics review

2023-12-05T11:00:00+00:00

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More than a month after Thomas Luna was chosen to fill a vacancy on the Newark school board created when the former president abruptly resigned in September, the KIPP charter school teacher has yet to be seated.

Luna was set to be sworn in during November’s board meeting where board President Hasani Council attributed the delay to information they received from a public records request and a review of School Ethics Commission opinions regarding conflicts of interest for board members.

But details about the records request, reasons for the delay, the board’s review of opinions, and the conflict of interest remain unclear.

Under New Jersey law, the Newark Board of Education had 65 days to fill the vacant seat. In an email to Chalkbeat Newark last week, Newark Public Schools spokesperson Nancy Deering said the board had “no further comment beyond the information provided” at November’s meeting and would not take further action regarding the vacancy on the board. She did not cite a legal reason why the board declined to comment on the delay.

Luna, who was set to serve on the board until April when school board elections for the new year take place, told Chalkbeat on Monday that he hasn’t received updates on when he’d be seated, and “no further information has been shared” with him.

The district also did not say if Luna will be sworn in during December’s school board meeting.

Luna’s selection to the board was the latest reshuffling of members this school year after Council was sworn in as president in September following former board President Asia Norton’s abrupt resignation two weeks after the start of the school year. It also comes as board members continue to demand a separate attorney for the board

Under New Jersey law, the state does not make any recommendations on the process a board should follow in filling a vacancy, however, it requires the board to fill a vacant seat within 65 days with a majority vote from the remaining members of the board, according to Janet Bamford, chief public affairs officer for the New Jersey School Board Association.

Ultimately, the process to fill a vacant board seat “is left to the discretion of the local district — and a district would typically have policy or bylaws on this topic,” Bamford added.

The board’s bylaws say it must publicly announce the vacancy and solicit applications from the public, which it did in September on its Facebook page following Norton’s resignation.

Newark received 10 applications, including one from former board member Flohisha Johnson, and invited the candidates to attend the October school board meeting where they were interviewed by the current board in an executive session during the meeting. The board then returned to the public meeting where it unanimously voted to move forward with Luna.

Under state law, school boards are required to include a public comment period during each public meeting, but “there is no specific requirement that the public comment on the topic of filling a board vacancy,” Bamford added.

The Newark Teachers Union, whose negotiations with the district begin in the next months, said it has “always objected to allowing any corporate charter school employees on the school,” said John Abeigon, union president.

The board’s bylaws also say members should avoid actions that could prompt questions about “the integrity of any board decision.” They also cite state law, which says board members should not take paid or volunteer positions that “might reasonably be expected to prejudice” their official decisions.

Previous board members have also held ties to the KIPP charter school network while being on the board.

Former board president Norton, who was first elected in 2018, was a kindergarten teacher at KIPP Life Academy charter school when she ran for a seat on the school board. She left that position in June 2018 according to her LinkedIn profile. In 2021, board member A’Dorian Murray-Thomas’s appointment to the board of directors of the KIPP Foundation, a nonprofit that assists KIPP charter schools through training and fundraising, sparked ethics questions. She remains on the board.

Luna, a science teacher at KIPP RISE Academy, ran for the school board twice before.

Both times, he lost to the Moving Newark Schools Forward slate, which included Council and board members Josephine Garcia and Allison James-Frison in 2023. It included board members Daniel Gonzalez, Murray-Thomas, and Crystal Williams in 2022. Historically, the slate has had strong backing from powerful state and local politicians including Mayor Ras Baraka and state Senator M. Teresa Ruiz, who oversees Essex County.

The board must also fill another vacant position after Murray-Thomas won the Nov. 7 general election for a seat on the Essex County Board of Commissioners. Murray-Thomas ran as a Democrat against Khalil Kettles, who ran as an independent, to represent District 2, which includes Newark, Irvington, and Maplewood.

Jessie Gómez is a reporter for Chalkbeat Newark, covering public education in the city. Contact Jessie at jgomez@chalkbeat.org.

Former teacher Carrie Olson elected to second stint as president of the Denver school board

2023-12-01T18:17:13+00:00

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Former Denver teacher Carrie Olson was elected Friday to a second stint as president of the Denver school board. Her election, by secret ballot, puts an experienced leader at the helm of a school board that had a reputation for dysfunction and infighting.

New board members Marlene De La Rosa, John Youngquist, and Kimberlee Sia were sworn in Friday morning and elected shortly thereafter to the other three officer roles of vice president, secretary, and treasurer, respectively.

The board president and vice president were nominated and chosen by secret ballot. Board member Michelle Quattlebaum was also nominated for president, and board member Scott Esserman was nominated for vice president. The vote totals were not made public.

The board secretary and treasurer were elected publicly by a voice vote. Youngquist was elected secretary unanimously. Sia was elected treasurer on a 4-3 vote. Esserman, who served as treasurer for the past two years, got the other three votes.

De La Rosa, Youngquist, and Sia were elected to the board Nov. 7 in a sweep for candidates backed by groups supportive of education reform and charter schools — and a rebuke of the two incumbents running for reelection.

Board members backed by the Denver teachers union hold the other four seats on the seven-member board, maintaining a majority but now holding only one leadership position.

The Denver school board poses for a portrait Friday after three new board members were sworn in. From left in the front row: Board President Carrie Olson, Superintendent Alex Marrero, board Vice President Marlene De La Rosa. From left in the back row: Board members Xóchitl "Sochi" Gaytán, Kimberlee Sia, John Youngquist, Michelle Quattlebaum, and Scott Esserman.

Olson was first elected to the board in 2017 and previously served as president from 2019 to 2021. She was reelected in 2021 to another four-year board term.

In her six years on the board, she has been a calm figure known for taking her time to make decisions. When the board is divided on an issue, Olson is often the swing vote.

Olson will take over as president from board member Xóchitl “Sochi” Gaytán, who sometimes clashed with Esserman and former member Auon’tai Anderson, who did not run for reelection. Anderson was the only former board member to attend Friday’s swearing in.

“I wanted to be president again because this is, for me, year 39 in Denver Public Schools and it’s my life,” said Olson, who was a bilingual teacher in DPS for more than 30 years and is now an adjunct professor in the Morgridge College of Education at the University of Denver.

“I think this board is going to be very collaborative,” Olson added. “I really think we are at a point where the board can improve our public profile in all sectors of Denver.”

The new board will face several challenges, including declining enrollment and the potential closure of small schools, fierce debates over school autonomy, and the need to address school safety amid rising gun violence.

The three newly elected board members promised on the campaign trail to restore a sense of collaboration to the board. Infighting and power struggles among some board members have marked the past two years, tanking confidence in the board and earning it a reputation for dysfunction that likely contributed to the incumbents losing their seats.

“Without comparing to the past, I’d like to move forward thinking about what are things that all of us bring to the board that we want to see change,” Olson said. “All of us hold a piece of that, and I really look forward to bringing that out in everybody and hearing what their ideas are.”

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado hands out grants aimed at college opportunities, workforce training for in-demand jobs

2023-07-24T18:02:00+00:00

Colorado is investing a chunk of its federal relief money in the future of students to boost the job economy.

The Polis administration announced in June that the state would award $27 million to 46 groups across the state in a first round of funding to support workforce training in local urban, suburban, and rural economies via the Opportunity Now Colorado grant program. Grants range from $50,000 to $7 million.

The grants aim to make college more accessible for high school students, open educational opportunities for older adults who never attended or finished college, and “are intended to help connect more Coloradans with in-demand, high-wage occupations,” according to the governor’s office. It also will fund healthcare education programs in order to address the healthcare worker shortage that has been a persistent problem throughout the pandemic.

“This is designed to help fill the workforce gap and get people the skills they need for positions that are available and ready to start today and tomorrow — it will help power economy and help Colorado shine in terms of workforce readiness,” said Gov. Jared Polis in an interview with Chalkbeat Colorado.

Eve Lieberman, the executive director of the Office of Economic Development and International Trade, said, “Increasingly we were hearing from businesses that they want to be partnering with educational institutions and creating these innovative models. That’s exactly what we’re doing here is forming grant opportunities to allow for that innovation, those partnerships, and to have industry help co-create that talent.”

In 2021, Colorado lawmakers passed legislation that created the Student Success and Workforce Revitalization Task Force Report to determine how to spend federal pandemic relief money.

The task force’s main suggestion was to create a statewide grant program for innovative ideas that connect community groups, colleges, and employers. The state is now using $85 million of the one-time federal money on the grants.

St. Vrain Valley Schools is using its $7 million grant to partner with multiple organizations and school districts, including Estes Park R-3, Weld RE-3J, and Adams 12 Five Star Schools, to further develop its early childhood/K-12 education, technology, and advanced manufacturing workforce pathway programs.

St. Vrain currently partners with CU Denver in a program for high school juniors and seniors to take dual education enrollment courses that can transfer to CU Denver after graduation. With the new funds, CU Denver will develop classes for adult working professionals and high school students to access college coursework and earn additional credits. The credits will be free to students and district professionals.

“Being able to remove so many financial barriers, it gives students a real strong feeling of success and our older working professionals, where many of them haven’t been in school for a number of years, the same feeling,” said Diane Lauer, St. Vrain Valley School District’s chief academic officer.

Students will be able to earn certificates in the technology or advanced manufacturing fields in welding, metal fabrication, pipefitting, electronics, and machinery operation.

St. Vrain Valley students learn about AI and robotics technology July 19 at the district’s Innovation Center during a week-long STEM summer camp.

Colorado State University of Pueblo was awarded over $1.39 million to help address the healthcare crisis, especially for Coloradoans who are Hispanic, rural, and low-income. The money will help address the state nursing shortage with new nurses and instructors in the graduate program.

“One of the reasons that nursing shortages exist is because there’s a shortage of nursing instructors. This is due to retirements in the healthcare workforce, and could be a university or college-level nursing program not being able to admit the number of students that are applying because there are not enough qualified faculty with the credentials to instruct,” said Alexandra Hansen, CSU Pueblo’s regional development officer.

Hansen said that the university wants to listen to its community and encourage those in the southern Colorado region to join an in-demand, high-paying occupation.

People who have experienced limited access to healthcare may find the nursing field a fulfilling career, Hansen said.

Limited access could be due to staffing shortages or “because they’re a Spanish-speaking family who have experienced going to a clinic where there are no Spanish-speaking providers,” she said.

The grant will support graduate students in becoming nurse managers, educators, and practitioners at the master’s and doctoral levels. It aims to enhance health equity in 15 counties in southern Colorado.

Tepeyac Community Health Center in Denver received over $1 million from the grant program. Tepeyac’s program will initially focus on increasing equitable access to clinic positions, training, and licensing. Tepeyac historically has served the Latino communities in the Globeville and Elyria-Swansea neighborhoods since the early 1990s.

Two additional rounds of grant funding with the remaining $58 million will be available through Opportunity Now Colorado, with the next application period opening in August. The last of the grants will be announced by December 2024.

Sara Martin is an intern with Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Sara at smartin@chalkbeat.org

Colorado lawmakers will consider program to ease summer childhood hunger

2023-11-15T00:05:32+00:00

Low-income families in Colorado could receive $120 per child to help pay for groceries next summer if state lawmakers agree to tap a federal program aimed at reducing childhood hunger when school is out.

The legislature begins meeting Friday for a special session to address spiking property taxes after voters rejected Proposition HH. But lawmakers will also consider the summer grocery program because the state must opt in by Jan. 1 to participate in 2024.

The program has a wonky name — Summer Electronic Benefits Transfer, or Summer EBT — but the idea is simple: Reduce childhood hunger in low-income families when school meal programs are on break or harder to access over the summer. Eligible families would get a card preloaded with money to buy food that is sent to their homes when school’s out.

Families of up to 350,000 Colorado children would benefit.

The program would be another step in Colorado’s continuing effort to shrink the number of children who go hungry in the state. Starting this school year, the vast majority of Colorado students can get free school meals regardless of family income because of a universal meal program approved by voters in 2022.

A program similar to Summer EBT was in place during the pandemic, but it was optional for school districts, and it expired last summer. The new Summer EBT program would require all districts in the federal government’s National School Lunch Program to participate. In Colorado, that’s every district but Aspen.

Helping low-income families pay for groceries in the summer reduces childhood food insecurity, increases fruit and vegetable intake, and cuts the amount of sugary beverages children drink, according to federal evaluations of a pilot Summer EBT program in several states.

Families would be eligible for Summer EBT in 2024 if they have household incomes at or below 185% of the federal poverty level — $55,500 for a family of four — and have children attending preschool through 12th grade in a public school that offers the National School Lunch or Breakfast Program.

For the state to participate, Colorado lawmakers will have to appropriate about $3.5 million to help administer the program, said Brehan Riley, school nutrition director at the Colorado Department of Education. The federal government would match that amount, plus send $35 million to $42 million directly to qualifying families in the form of benefit cards. The program would be jointly administered by the Colorado Department of Human Services and the education department.

Riley said children will still be able to get any free summer meals offered through their school district even if their families also receive the Summer EBT benefit.

“The $120, I think it averages out to $1.33 a day,” she said. “So it’s supposed to supplement” the summer school meals program. Some students can’t get to local schools that offer summer meals because they live too far away or don’t have transportation.

If state lawmakers approve the Summer EBT program during the special session, which could last just three days, Colorado would join 10 other states planning to participate next summer. They include Illinois, Kansas, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, Ohio, Virginia, and West Virginia

The Colorado State Board of Education voted 7-1 in support of the proposed Summer EBT bill on Tuesday. Board member Debora Scheffel, a Republican who represents a large swath of eastern Colorado, voted no. Board member Steve Durham, also a Republican, was absent.

If lawmakers approve the Summer EBT bill, Riley said the most important thing parents can do to ensure they’re eligible is fill out the free and reduced-price meal form at their child’s school. In some districts, the form may have a slightly different name, possibly the “family economic data survey.”

“We are hearing from districts that families haven’t been filling out those forms,” she said. “In order to receive summer EBT benefits, that form has to be in place.”

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

These four states already have universal preschool. What can Colorado learn from them?

2022-04-27T21:19:58+00:00

When Colorado launches free preschool for 4-year-olds in 2023, it will join a half dozen other states that already offer universal preschool.

All of them have encountered the same tricky task Colorado leaders now face as they try to knit together a disparate patchwork of public and private preschools into an equitable and high-quality statewide system. We’ll take a look at some of the lessons learned in four states: Florida, Oklahoma, Vermont, and Wisconsin.

Some, like Oklahoma, have offered the program for decades, while others, like Vermont — one of the few places to offer free preschool to all 3- and 4-year-olds — have joined the club more recently. Wisconsin officials said they don’t consider their preschool program universal because school districts don’t have to offer the state-funded classes, though 99% do.

Colorado’s universal preschool program will offer 10 hours a week to all 4-year-olds, with children who have higher needs eligible for more. Funding will come from Colorado’s existing state-funded preschool program, which is for children from low-income families, or who have language delays, or other risk factors, and proceeds from a voter-approved nicotine tax.

Advocates in the four states cited ongoing challenges in everything from ensuring high-quality offerings to making part-day preschool work for families, but they also said the programs are generally popular. In all four states, at least 70% of 4-year-olds participated prior to the pandemic.

Sherry Carlson, chief program officer at the Vermont advocacy group, Let’s Grow Kids, said the state’s system is not perfect, but “usage is an indication that we’re on the right track.”

States	Year launched	Four-year olds enrolled	Quality benchmarks met	Min. hours/week	Bachelor's degree required for preschool teachers
Florida	2005	75%	2	15	No
Oklahoma	1998	70%	9	10-30	Yes
Vermont	2014	76%	7	10	In public school classrooms
Wisconsin	1984	70%	3	10-12	Yes

State-funded preschool in four states

Notes: The % of children served reflects this school year or the 2019-20 year. “Quality benchmarks met” is based on 10 standards used by the National Institute for Early Education Research. Oklahoma school districts have the option of providing 2.5 or 6 hours of preschool per day. Wisconsin provided funding for 4-year-old preschool starting in 1927. It was repealed in 1957 and reinstated in 1984. In Florida, families can choose a 540-hour school year program or a 300-hour summer preschool program.

The half-day problem

Colorado’s plan to offer 10 hours of preschool a week to most children is similar to preschool programs in states like Florida, Vermont, and Wisconsin. The problem is that half-day programs don’t work for a lot of families.

Professor Beth Graue, director of the Center for Research on Early Childhood Education at the University of Wisconsin Madison, studied Wisconsin parents’ preschool choices and found that many declined to enroll in the program because of the schedule.

“The half-day format is a nightmare for at least a third of all the parents we surveyed,” she said. “It’s curious to me in today’s day and age that people imagine that a half day would work.“

When universal preschool originally launched in Florida, the vision was to offer both a 3-hour and a 6-hour preschool day, but there was never enough funding for the longer day, said Madeleine Thakur, president of the advocacy group, The Children’s Movement of Florida. Some schools — those that receive federal funds for low-income students — cover the extra cost of full-day preschool for some students, but the coveted spots are in short supply.

In Vermont, momentum had been growing to increase the number of state-funded preschool hours beyond the current 10 a week, but the pandemic derailed that discussion, said Carlson.

“There is a lot of agreement, particularly among working families and schools, that more time would be better,” she said.

Teacher qualification conundrum

The four states profiled have various requirements for universal preschool teachers — Oklahoma and Wisconsin require them to have bachelor’s degrees, while Florida does not. Vermont is something of a hybrid — requiring bachelor’s degrees for universal preschool teachers in public school settings, but not for all teachers in private settings.

These differences reflect both ongoing national debate about whether teachers with four-year college degrees provide better preschool experiences than those without, and the reality that such requirements pose a major financial barrier in light of the field’s low pay.

The National Institute for Early Education Research, which ranks states annually on preschool access and funding, includes bachelor’s degree requirements among 10 benchmarks showing whether states have key quality standards in place. Experts say preschool can produce short- and long-term benefits for kids, but only if it’s high quality.

Colorado’s existing preschool program doesn’t require bachelor’s degrees and meets only four of the institute’s 10 benchmarks.

Carlson, who estimated that 60% of Vermont’s universal preschoolers are served in private settings, said the more lenient degree requirements for those classrooms was one of the concessions made when the program began. The state has put money toward helping preschool teachers further their education, but more needs to be done, she said.

Carlson’s advice to Colorado: “Be willing to compromise with a plan [that says] this is where we’re starting and we’re going to keep working to get to … where the vision was.”

Thakur, of Florida, said many wonderful preschool teachers don’t have bachelor’s degrees currently so it shouldn’t be a requirement at the inception of a universal program. Plus, with teachers in private preschool settings often paid much less than public school counterparts, it’s not fair to require the degrees, she said.

Who’s got access?

The idea behind universal preschool is to serve every child whose parents want a spot, but that can be hard to deliver on a consistent statewide basis.

Carlson said offering preschool in both public and private settings helps ensure access in Vermont, partly because private centers can often provide wraparound care that meshes with parents’ work schedules and locations. At the same time, some preschoolers with disabilities lose out on special education services if they attend preschool with private providers outside of their school districts, she said.

The goal should be to “put children and families at the center,” she said. “Then don’t let paperwork or artificial boundaries” get in the way.

Joe Dorman, CEO at the Oklahoma Institute for Child Advocacy, said reaching rural children has been a struggle in his state. In some cases, it’s because of preschool staff shortages or a dearth of seats, but there are also some families who don’t see the value of preschool, he said.

“This has been one of our crown jewels,” he said. “It amazes me that people won’t take the time to look at the benefits and see the good that can come from it.”

Dorman said Colorado should educate parents about the free preschool program before children turn 4.

“Begin the promotional process early,” he said. “Ensure that families recognize this.”

Preschool and K-12: separate or together?

In some universal preschool states, school districts are in charge of overseeing the program locally and offer many preschool seats in public school classrooms. These factors make school districts a key player in the universal preschool discussion, but also raise questions about how close the association should be.

Experts from other states said it’s important that universal preschool be designed around the developmental needs of young children.

Thakur said Colorado leaders should be careful “not to bring the rigor of the K-12 system down into preschool.”

“You’ve really got to focus on relationships, making sure children learn how to communicate, cooperate, listen, and follow routines,” she said. “Those are the kinds of things that are a real down payment for the kindergarten teacher.”

Colorado’s existing preschool program is administered by school districts and 77% of students attend the program in public school classrooms, but planned changes could shake up public schools’ role in universal preschool.

Graue agreed that preschool should be developmentally appropriate, not narrowly focused on math and literacy, but also noted the downsides of divorcing preschool and K-12 policy.

During a statewide class size reduction effort in Wisconsin, for example, Graue said kindergarten classes went down to 15 children, but preschool classes in the same buildings were often much larger because they weren’t included in the state initiative.

In addition, although Wisconsin’s state-funded preschool classrooms in private settings must adhere to class size caps mandated by state child care regulations, public schools aren’t subject to those limits. Instead, each district establishes its own preschool class size rules.

“That’s the problem of the 4K [Wisconsin preschool] program working in this liminal space between K-12 and the child care system,” Graue said.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

For scandal-plagued for-profit colleges, no state is more welcoming than New York

2023-02-23T19:41:43+00:00

This article was originally published on Feb. 23 by New York Focus. It was published in partnership with Fast Company.

ASA College seemed like Jacaly Muranelli’s ticket to a better life – and the government was helping her pay for it.

Muranelli — 37 years old, with three kids, born into a Dominican family and living in the Bronx — enrolled in the for-profit college’s joint GED and paralegal associate degree program in September. She quit her job, thinking she could save on childcare and earn an education at the same time. A bachelor’s degree and even law school seemed within her grasp. She could finish the program in 16 months.

And it wouldn’t cost her anything upfront, since New York State and the federal government had awarded her a significant amount of aid.

But the dream didn’t last. In November, ASA College lost its accreditation after its accreditor said it had failed to provide “a quality student learning experience.” The federal education department tightened the screws on funding. Professors, no longer being paid, started canceling class. Muranelli went down to the Manhattan campus and found it shuttered.

When the administration began communicating about where students could go next, students realized that the schools mentioned didn’t offer their programs or hadn’t agreed to take their credits. For Muranelli, ASA started tacking on fees for “accident insurance” and “technology,” even though she was taking classes from home on her own computer.

She had thought ASA was a quality college. Apparently, so had New York State.

In the last three years for which data is available, New York state provided ASA with more than $13.5 million in subsidies for low-income student enrollment through the tuition assistance program, called TAP, even after years of mounting warning signs about the quality of the college’s education.

ASA would have been hard-pressed to find a check that size in any other state. About half of U.S. states subsidized tuition for students at for-profit colleges, a recent survey found. And most that do give far less. New York spends more than any other state supporting for-profit higher education. It has led the pack since 2011.

An association of for-profit colleges has fought successfully to preserve that windfall. In 2019, it bested the most powerful force in Albany: After Governor Andrew Cuomo proposed a set of stricter rules for the sector, lawmakers, some with for-profit colleges in their districts, rallied to kill the proposal.

“We hit a buzzsaw with the legislature,” Rich Azzopardi, the former governor’s spokesperson, told New York Focus.

The issue has nearly disappeared from the Albany agenda in the years since. When the few interested legislators do propose bills, they’re never brought to a vote.

For Muranelli, the indifference of the government was a shock.

“Once you sign that line that you are enrolled in their college, you no longer matter. What matters is the money that now they are going to deplete with your name,” Muranelli told New York Focus. “And I really truly wish I would have known that.”

Missed Warnings

There were warning signs. Despite ads claiming students were destined for “exciting careers,” media reports as early as 2013 said students graduated with nothing but debt.

The president and owner of ASA was pushed out of his role after at least 10 employees and students accused him of sexual misconduct including rape. He then reinstalled himself as president in 2021, only to resign again after allegations went public in the press.

New York City sued ASA for subway ads that promised immigrants and tourists a legal way to stay in the country, settling with the college last year for $112,500.

ASA continued to receive state dollars throughout it all. And it’s not the only one.

Five years ago, the city sued Berkeley College, a for-profit institution with campuses in New York City and New Jersey, alleging that it tricked students into debt and collected payments it was not owed. Last March, the company settled and agreed to $20 million in debt relief for students.

Yet the college collected nearly $12 million in state subsidies from 2018 to 2020, and likely more since. Berkeley is still on the list of eligible schools.

Plaza College, a for-profit institution in Forest Hills, offers another example. In 2010, a state legislator was sent to prison over a wide-ranging corruption scandal that included a bribe from an official at Plaza to nominate its president for a state position and to introduce favorable legislation. The college has collected over $27 million in state subsidies in the years since, and is still eligible for funding today.

Nationally, for-profit colleges dominate complaints from students about fraud. Of 100,000 complaints to the U.S. Education Department about deceptive practices, nearly all of them were regarding for-profit colleges, according to public records research from the Century Foundation, a progressive think tank.

New York statute says a college can be cut off from tuition subsidies if there is evidence of fraud. The agency responsible for administering TAP did not respond to a request about the aforementioned colleges.

The industry’s primary lobbying group in New York — called the Association of Proprietary Colleges until it changed its name to the Association of Private Colleges late last month — noted that neither Berkeley nor Plaza was formally charged with or admitted any wrongdoing.

ASA did not respond to a request for comment. Berkeley and Plaza each provided statements about their missions, but didn’t respond to queries about their respective scandals.

Critics of the industry say instances of fraud like these are just the most prominent ways for-profit colleges can take advantage of students.

In New York, the 59,540 students who attended for-profit colleges in 2017 made up only 6% of the state’s undergraduates. Yet a study by the Center for an Urban Future found that for-profit students accounted for 41% of the student loan borrowers who defaulted after five years. Students at for-profit colleges were twice as likely to default as students at public New York institutions, though not all those institutions receive subsidies.

“We’ve seen numerous cases where students are really left worse off than if they had never attended the schools at all,” said Carolyn Fast, a researcher at the Century Foundation who formerly worked on for-profit college enforcement at the New York Attorney General’s Office.

A majority of ASA students make less than $25,000 – about the national average for someone with only a high school diploma – ten years after entry. According to federal education data, at least four other for-profit degree-granting colleges in New York that receive TAP can say the same, compared to one nonprofit and zero public colleges.

For-profit colleges generally say that they provide opportunities for students who are often not well-served by traditional higher education, such as older, rural, and low-income students. In New York, students at for-profit colleges are more likely to be Black and Hispanic than students in other sectors.

The industry nationally has leaned on this fact to explain poor graduation, earnings, and default outcomes. Students who are already marginalized face greater barriers to labor market success and paying off their loans.

New York City has instead called the relationship between these colleges and marginalized students “predatory inclusion” — the expansion of educational access with low-quality, high-cost programs.

Average outcomes don’t capture all for-profit colleges, the industry’s defenders point out.

Donna Stelling-Gurnett, president and CEO of the Association of Private Colleges, said outcomes at the group’s 11 member colleges are strong. The APC boasts that its members’ associate programs have better on-time graduation rates than those at New York’s public colleges. (Their borrower default rates, however, are higher.)

For example, LIM College, an APC member and for-profit college in Manhattan, has similar graduation rates and median expected earnings for graduates as City College, part of CUNY. The School of Visual Arts’ graduation rates are approaching those of Fashion Institute of Technology, part of SUNY. Tuition and fees at LIM and SVA, however, are several times higher than at City College and FIT.

‘Parts of the power structure’

A small coterie of advocates have long been beating the drum about New York’s willingness to subsidize enrollment at poorly performing for-profit colleges.

Jessica Ranucci, an attorney with New York Legal Assistance Group, says she has spoken to nearly 100 ASA students in her work. “Schools like ASA are just allowed to take federal and state money, pay their salaries, and there’s not a lot of oversight over what they do with that money,” she said. “Students are left holding the bag. I don’t see any reason these schools should be subsidized.”

Chuck Bell, programs director of advocacy at Consumer Reports, said the subsidies appear to students as a seal of approval from the state about programs that don’t deserve it. “The state should be using the power of the public purse to promote good educational outcomes for every student,” he said. “From the taxpayer point of view, we’re funding a lot of misery for our students who attend these institutions.”

Johnson Tyler, staff attorney with South Brooklyn Legal Services, describes the industry as deliberately seeking out marginalized students. “One of the sad realities of for-profit education is the poorer the student, the more money you make,” he said.

A handful of state lawmakers have taken up the cause as well.

Senator James Skoufis has sponsored a bill to eliminate the subsidies since 2019, most recently introduced last month. “I’m interested in putting for-profit schools out of business,” he said. “I think the TAP prohibition is a step towards that ultimate goal.”

Assemblymember Harvey Epstein sponsored similar legislation, as well as other bills that would create more requirements for for-profit colleges in the past two legislative sessions. “Even if you think there are good institutions providing good education… the level of default should be alarming,” he said.

But as a whole, the legislature has moved in the opposite direction.

In 2019, Cuomo proposed the For-Profit Accountability Act in his executive budget. The bill would have required for-profit colleges to spend a certain amount on instruction and receive a portion of their revenue from private sources, among other requirements. But it went nowhere.

“The legislature did not want anything to do with it,” recalled Azzopardi, the Cuomo spokesperson.

Stelling-Gurnett, president of APC, testified to lawmakers that Cuomo’s plan would “decimate” the entire for-profit sector. And although she expressed openness to other accountability measures for poorly performing colleges, none have passed the legislature since. Even bills only requiring public financial disclosures have gone nowhere.

“These colleges definitely become parts of the local communities, parts of the power structure,” Azzopardi continued. “When you have these institutional players that have these sorts of connections, sometimes well-thought-out, good legislation dies.”

Skoufis echoed that point, attributing the legislature’s attitude to local ties.

“Part of it is parochial,” he said. “Some of my colleagues who identify as progressive have a for-profit school or multiple in their districts. And for them that supersedes any ideological position they might otherwise have on this issue.”

Legislative support for for-profit institutions has been nearly unanimous. In 2017, the legislature passed a bill that would make for-profit colleges eligible for subsidies beyond TAP. No lawmakers in the Assembly voted against it, and only one did — Republican Robert Ortt — in the Senate.

Cuomo vetoed that legislation; lawmakers pushed it through the budget process the next year.

New York Focus reached out to lawmakers who voted for the legislation and whose districts at the time included some of the largest for-profit colleges in the state, including Senators Andrea Stewart-Cousins, Brad Hoylman-Sigal, Gustavo Rivera, Liz Krueger, and Neil Breslin.

Only one responded. Hoylman-Sigal said that with the benefit of hindsight, he may not have supported the bill to expand subsidies — and that while some for-profit colleges have good track records and he doesn’t want to see the sector put out of business, it is “an area that New York needs to re-examine.”

“Recent scandals have shed new light on for-profit institutions,” he said. “We have to question why taxpayers are subsidizing these private institutions. You could call it another form of corporate welfare … Why do we do this when most states [do] not?”

The industry has been well-connected to New York lawmakers. In 2009, then-Mayor Michael Bloomberg spoke at ASA’s commencement, and attended graduation along with two state assembly members.

Carl Heastie, speaker of the assembly, taught as an adjunct professor at the for-profit Monroe College from 2007 to 2014, and resumed in 2017, after he was elected speaker. His office did not respond to a request for comment.

Among the industry’s most visible champions in the legislature is Toby Ann Stavisky, the chair of the Senate higher education committee. In 2014, Stavisky attended a ribbon-cutting at Plaza College alongside Charles Callahan, the administrator recently embroiled in the legislative bribery scandal — and since elevated to college president. Three years later, she co-sponsored the legislation that would have made students at for-profit colleges eligible for even more subsidies.

Stavisky did not agree to an interview for this story, but a spokesperson sent a statement over email. “Public, private and proprietary institutions each play a unique role within the higher education system,” they said. “When we see a proprietary college lose accreditation, it actually shows our system of protecting the students is functioning.”

The Association of Private Colleges said in a statement that it would support more conditions on where students can use tuition subsidies as long as measures applied to all colleges, not just for-profit ones.

The association spent nearly $936,000 on lobbying between January 2019 and December 2022. Other figures in the for-profit industry have donated substantial sums to state elections, such as Marc Jerome, the president of Monroe College in the Bronx, who donated $19,000 last year to PACs supporting political candidates including Stavisky and Governor Kathy Hochul.

Stelling-Gurnett, president of APC, said their advocacy focuses on expanding eligibility and award amounts for TAP. An APC spokesperson said their lobbying is “in line with what other higher ed associations do.”

Back at ASA College, all campuses are set to close by the end of February. The New York Legal Assistance Group operates a hotline for ASA students and is hoping to get relief and clarity from state and federal regulators.

Muranelli said she wants to continue her education, but her next steps are unclear. Public colleges in the city don’t offer the type of joint GED and associate degree she’s looking for and don’t offer many programs online, which she needs to watch her son. But after her experience, she doesn’t want to attend another for-profit college.

“The way I see it,” she said, “it’s a scam.”

Denver voters just sent the school board a message. Will they hear it?

2023-11-10T01:11:34+00:00

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It’s clear from the ousting of two incumbents on the Denver school board that voters are mad.

Mad that a student with a previous weapons charge was allowed to enroll at East High School, and that he brought a gun to school in March and shot two deans.

Mad that staff at several schools across Denver, including high-performing schools where the city’s power brokers send their children, were being asked to pat students down for weapons. Mad that after a middle school principal spoke out about it, he was fired.

And mad at a school board whose members snipe at each other on social media and in print, who held a key meeting behind closed doors, and who repeatedly say decisions about Denver Public Schools — the nitty-gritty stuff like bus schedules — are not up to them.

Three seats on the seven-member Denver school board were up for election Tuesday, and challengers handily defeated two incumbents. In the third race, which didn’t feature an incumbent, voters chose the candidate who was aligned with the challengers.

But if it’s clear that anger and dissatisfaction drove the result, what’s less clear is whether that result was a rebuke of the individual incumbents, or of DPS as a whole — and if it’s the latter, how the sitting board members and superintendent will respond to a clear call for change.

“We have to show the public that we can become a fully functioning board that they would like to see,” board President Xóchitl “Sochi” Gaytán said in an interview.

The incumbents’ records on school safety

The two incumbents on the ballot, Scott Baldermann and Charmaine Lindsay, largely steered clear of the sniping and infighting that earned the Denver school board a bad reputation.

Of the seven board members, Baldermann and Lindsay pushed the hardest to bring school resource officers, or SROs, back to schools after the East shooting. Lindsay, who was appointed to fill a vacancy, wasn’t even on the board in 2020 when SROs were removed, a change that many blamed for the increase in school violence.

And Baldermann was the sole “no” vote on firing Kurt Dennis, the popular middle school principal who spoke out about safety policies.

Yet Steve Katsaros, an East High parent who started a group with a large Facebook presence called Parents - Safety Advocacy Group, said the incumbents’ individual records didn’t matter.

“We’re supposed to look at the board as a whole,” Katsaros said in an interview. “While [Baldermann and Lindsay] might have made some smart decisions around SROs, in totality, they’re part of a septic organization and a board that needs such a hard reset.”

Katsaros said the group worked hard over the last six months to keep the media’s attention focused on what was wrong in DPS, especially with regard to safety.

“DPS kept doing dumb things like getting rid of Kurt Dennis, and a lot more violent things,” including a non-fatal stabbing at George Washington High School last week, he said.

“How could you live in Denver and not know that DPS is a dumpster fire?” Katsaros said.

Another parent group, called Resign DPS Board, pushed a similar message, even running anti-incumbent Google ads that are now the subject of a campaign finance review.

Heather Lamm, a founder of Resign DPS Board, said that while she agrees voters were dissatisfied with the board as a whole, it’s not fair to say voters didn’t consider Baldermann and Lindsay’s records. Nor is it fair, she said, to imply they weren’t part of the dysfunction.

“Even if they’re quiet and they voted for the SROs, that was a little too little too late,” Lamm said. “A lot of people really took up the message that we started saying early on — that being on this board and not speaking up against the dysfunction means you’re complicit.”

Baldermann said in an interview that he should have seen the writing on the wall.

“Just looking back, it all makes sense,” he said. “I was kind of naive to even think I was going to win. … It was one crisis or distraction after another.”

Group backing winners sees ‘mandate’ for change

The three candidates who won — John Youngquist, Marlene De La Rosa, and Kimberlee Sia — were endorsed by Denver Families Action, which is the political arm of a group called Denver Families for Public Schools, whose board is made up of charter school leaders.

As recently as 2017, the school board consisted entirely of members supportive of education reform and charter schools. That fall, two members backed by the teachers union — which generally opposes education reform — won election. By 2021, the Denver school board consisted entirely of members backed by the teachers union. The current board has been less friendly to charter schools and more lenient toward low-performing district-run schools.

Now candidates backed by education reform supporters have a foothold on the board again.

Denver Families Action spent $1.3 million and counting to support its candidates, and much of the funding came from pro-reform sources and donors. But Denver Families CEO Clarence Burton said this election wasn’t about “the education wars” of the past.

The candidates Denver Families backed, Burton said in an interview, “don’t have a common ideological thread through them. They were candidates that represented this value … that every public school in Denver, whether traditional, innovation, or charter, plays an important role in ensuring we have the quality options we need to serve every family well.”

Burton said he sees the decisive wins as not only a celebration but a mandate.

“One of the challenges and frankly, I think, a mandate that these new board members have is whether they deliver on that promise of a unifying vision for the district,” he said.

The losing candidates — Baldermann, Lindsay, and Kwame Spearman — were endorsed by the Denver Classroom Teachers Association. In an interview, union President Rob Gould pointed to Denver Families’ outsized spending as a big reason the incumbents lost.

But union-backed candidates have beat big reform money before, including in 2019 and 2021. Gould acknowledged that there were other factors at play this year, including the “constant bombardment” of messages about DPS being unsafe and “the frustration that a lot of people felt with the current board,” who were all previously endorsed by the union.

“What’s at the bottom is the reform groups, and they’re seeing that disruption that’s going on, and then I think they’re tagging it to all of the members of the board,” Gould said.

“It’s just unfortunate that there were casualties,” he said of Baldermann and Lindsay.

‘The board needs to do a better job’

Whereas many parents were supportive of the union after a 2019 strike that led to higher teacher wages, Katsaros and others said they didn’t trust the union on safety issues.

“They endorsed nine of the last 10 [Denver school board members] and everybody has seen the district fall to hell,” Katsaros said. “They appear to be focused on just financial outcomes for the teachers and anti-reformer movements. What they need to learn is we don’t care if our kids are educated at charter or reform or innovation or traditional schools. We don’t even understand all that stuff. … We want our kids to be in healthy environments.”

Gould disagrees that the union doesn’t care about safety. Two days after the East High shooting, the union organized a gun control rally at the State Capitol so big that DPS canceled school, he said. It also supported the return of SROs, and its members are helping to revise the district’s discipline matrix, which some parents have criticized as too lenient.

“I’m not out advertising that on Facebook,” Gould said. “We’re actually doing the work.”

But Lamm said the changes aren’t happening fast enough. She said the superintendent and board’s focus this year on reducing out-of-school suspensions and expulsions doesn’t make sense at a time when more students are bringing weapons to school.

When Baldermann ran in 2019, he said he and other candidates were constantly asked how they would improve DPS for students of color and those living in poverty. This year, the questions from the public were about why DPS doesn’t send students with behavior issues to alternative learning environments instead of big high schools like East.

“In 2019, it was all about equity,” he said. “This year it was like, ‘Whoa, not too much equity.’”

Carrie Olson, who has been on the board since 2017 and still has another two years left of her second term, said she sees this election as a call for change. But while she’s hopeful board members will get along better, she said she’s not sure what that change will look like.

“The board needs to do a better job,” she said in an interview. Then she hesitated to finish her sentence. “Maybe even just putting a period there.”

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Aurora school board election results: Union-backed candidates win three seats

2023-11-08T04:59:22+00:00

Three Aurora school board candidates backed by the teachers union have won seats on the board.

Five candidates ran for the three seats: charter school coach and substitute teacher Max Garcia; incumbent and former special educator Vicki Reinhard; charter school parent and board member Danielle Tomwing; student and aspiring educator Tiffany Tasker; and Maria Saucedo.

The teachers union endorsed Reinhard, Tomwing, and Tasker. The three candidates raised the most money and held the most votes through a few rounds of updates to vote counts Tuesday.

Reinhard, who had the most votes throughout Tuesday night’s updates, said being in the lead had her excited about getting back to work with Aurora’s new superintendent, Michael Giles, whom she said she trusts.

“I look forward to working alongside him,” Reinhard said.

The three seats are all at-large, meaning all voters selected their top picks and the three top vote-getters won the seats.

At least three outside groups spent money on the race. The teachers union’s group Students Deserve Better spent more than $80,700 to support its candidates. The Colorado League of Charter Schools spent more than $146,000 in support of Tomwing, and the Ready Colorado Action Fund, a conservative group, spent more than $48,000 to support Garcia.

In Aurora, the new school board will help lead the district at a time when the district has fallen onto the state’s watchlist for low academic achievement once again. The district has also been trying to recruit and retain more teachers of color, and is dealing with changing demographics of a large district growing on the east side, while losing students on the western side bordering Denver.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Denver school board election results: Voters signal they want change by electing three new members

2023-11-08T05:24:49+00:00

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In a year of rising gun violence in and around Denver schools, and persistent allegations of dysfunction on the school board, Denver voters signaled Tuesday that they want change by electing three new board members.

In the citywide at-large race, former East High School Principal John Youngquist beat Tattered Cover bookstores co-owner Kwame Spearman by a wide margin. Youngquist will replace the board’s most high-profile member, Vice President Auon’tai Anderson.

Two incumbents, Scott Baldermann and Charmaine Lindsay, lost their seats. Former KIPP charter school network CEO Kimberlee Sia bested Baldermann for the board seat representing southeast Denver’s District 1. In northwest Denver’s District 5, longtime DPS volunteer and Latina advocate Marlene De La Rosa defeated Lindsay.

“I’m feeling like there is a lot of support for the message that we need experience and people close to the community and people who know schools and districts,” Youngquist said at a joint election watch party with De La Rosa Tuesday night.

Taking the microphone at the party, De La Rosa promised to listen “to all sides.”

“I am not a reformer,” De La Rosa said. “I am not a union [candidate]. I am not a particular ideology, but I am the ideology that we need to support students.”

Denver Public Schools is Colorado’s largest district, with more than 89,000 students. The next board will face several challenges, including how to deal with declining enrollment and how to address school safety concerns after several shootings in and around DPS high schools.

From left, Marlene De La Rosa, Kimberlee Sia, and John Youngquist won seats on the Denver school board Tuesday.

In DPS election politics, the teachers union is typically on one side, while groups supportive of charter schools and education reform are on the other side. That was true in this election, too.

The candidates who won — Youngquist, Sia, and De La Rosa — were backed by Denver Families Action, the political arm of a group called Denver Families for Public Schools whose board is made up of local charter school leaders. The losing candidates — Spearman, Baldermann, and Lindsay — were backed by the Denver Classroom Teachers Association, the teachers union.

For the past four years, board members backed by the union have held a majority of seats. Tuesday’s election won’t change that because the other four members on the seven-person board were backed by the union and will still hold the majority.

But the election of three new members is likely to shake up the interpersonal and political dynamics on the board. The winners are all supportive of keeping police in schools and, to varying degrees, allowing schools to have more academic and programmatic autonomy and encouraging families to choose the school they deem best.

The current board has restricted principal autonomy and been less friendly to charter schools.

This election has been expensive, with candidates and outside groups spending nearly $1.9 million as of last week, according to reports filed with the Colorado Secretary of State’s office.

The biggest spender has been an independent expenditure committee called Better Leaders, Stronger Schools, which spent more than $1.3 million on digital ads, mailers, and even TV ads to support Youngquist, Sia, and De La Rosa. The pro-charter committee outspent the teachers union by 4 ½ to 1 in the lead up to the election.

The new board members are set to be sworn in on Nov. 28.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Cherelle Parker will be Philadelphia’s 100th mayor. Here’s what she wants to change about education.

2023-11-08T11:30:00+00:00

There was never much doubt that Cherelle Parker would become the city’s 100th mayor and the first woman ever to lead the nation’s sixth largest city. On Tuesday night, she defeated Republican David Oh, winning more than 73% of the vote.

Like mayors before her, she will lead a city with an underfunded school district beset by concentrated poverty — conditions that limit schools’ ability to make major inroads on the traditional measures of student achievement such as proficiency on state tests and graduation rates.

But unlike previous mayors, Parker — who started her career as a teacher — will take office when a major contributor to those conditions is on the verge of significant change.

That’s because the state is working to comply with a Commonwealth Court judge’s order from February to revamp a state school funding system that has resulted in wide gaps in spending between high- and low-income districts, and has historically shortchanged Philadelphia.

Although the city’s public school district was not a plaintiff in the case that led to the judge’s order, Philadelphia schools could benefit greatly from any changes to the state funding formula, and increases in overall education funding, that Pennsylvania lawmakers ultimately adopt.

What will also help define Parker’s tenure as mayor is how she will use her power to appoint all nine members of the Philadelphia Board of Education — she can rebuild it from scratch, if she wants — and what will happen regarding the one far-reaching education proposal she shared during the mayoral campaign: a year-round schedule for schools.

Parker pushes for more Philadelphia school funding

Parker grew up on Philadelphia’s West Oak Lane, the daughter of a teenage mother. She was raised by her grandparents and attended Philadelphia public schools, graduating from Girls High.

When she voted Tuesday morning, she brought along her high school English teacher, Jeanette Jimenez, who encouraged her to write about her life after her grandmother died.

“I wouldn’t be here without you,” she said.

She was the first in her family to go to college. After attending Lincoln University, she briefly taught English and English as a second language in Pleasantville, New Jersey, before interning for former City Council member Marion Tasco and setting off on a political career.

She will work as mayor to launch all young people on a path of self-sufficiency, she said at her victory speech at the Sheet Metal Workers Local 19 headquarters Tuesday night.

As a member of the City Council and as a state legislator, Parker leveraged methods to collect more revenue for schools, including an initiative that went after delinquent property taxpayers in Philadelphia.

Philadelphia Mayor-elect Cherelle Parker celebrates with supporters on Nov. 7, 2023.

The mayor of Philadelphia has no direct authority over the School District of Philadelphia. But with the power to appoint all nine members of the Board of Education (subject to City Council approval), Parker can help shape education policy on key issues. These include spending priorities, charter schools, how to deal with the district’s aging buildings, and negotiations with unions for the district’s educators and other staff.

Through the school board, she can also influence where (and whether) to close schools and where to build new ones, and how to enhance student safety with respect to everything from environmental hazards such as loose asbestos to gun violence that has plagued the city.

During the campaign, Parker did not tip her hand on any intentions to keep or replace the current board members, saying she would not discuss any personnel issues before the election.

Parker favors keeping schools open longer

Parker’s signature education proposal in the mayoral race was to institute year-round schooling. She said what she had in mind would not involve more days of traditional classroom seat time for students, but more breaks spread throughout the year and a shorter summer vacation, coupled with increased access for students to enrichment activities.

Parker also advocated for a school day that starts earlier and ends later.

In making both these proposals, she cited the hardship that school schedules pose for many parents, rather than touting the additional time as an educational improvement strategy.

“Not all of the young people in the school district of Philadelphia are in the Hamptons in the summer, or at the Vineyard.” she said in her victory speech. “Maybe you thought they were there. But they are not.”

She added that “for those who are being raised, particularly in circumstances like mine, particularly when they’re being raised by someone other than their biological parents, they can benefit from creative year round scheduling. They could benefit from going to school in the morning and having it open until 6:30 in the evening.”

She said after the traditional school day is over, students could learn coding, financial literacy, and other subjects. “I’m getting ready to tell you the big one for me is homework help and tutoring,” said the mayor-elect, who is the mother of a young son. “Have you seen the math today?”

As far as paying for any such change, she has said she favors devoting a higher proportion of the city’s property tax revenue to the district — 58% instead of 55%. Parker said that change would bring $50 million in additional revenue for schools even before any statewide funding reform.

Parker is a strong union supporter, and many of the city’s labor leaders endorsed her in the Democratic primary, although the Philadelphia Federation of Teachers supported rival Helen Gym. PFT president Jerry Jordan did not attend Parker’s victory party Tuesday night, unlike many other union heads, but issued a statement saying members “celebrate and honor this momentous and historic occasion… (Parker’s election) shows little girls, especially Black girls, what they can achieve.”

On social media, American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten also congratulated Parker for making history as the first woman to lead the nation’s sixth largest city.

Parker will for sure need union buy-in for her plan to move to a year-round school schedule and keep school buildings open longer.

Cherelle Parker holds her hand up to honor Delta Sigma Theta sorority after winning the mayoral election and becoming Philadelphia’s 100th mayor on Nov. 7, 2023.

Parker skirts divisions over charter schools

One area where Parker as a candidate took a measured approach was charter schools.

Nearly one-third of Philadelphia’s public school students attend charters, making the city home to one of the largest charter sectors in the country. The school board must approve charter school applications, and has essentially imposed a moratorium on new charters since 2018.

During the campaign, Parker did not directly answer a question from Chalkbeat about whether she would like Philadelphia to have more charter schools.

“I want quality seats, and I don’t care where they are,” she said, adding: “I will not allow anyone to act as if district-run and charter schools are warring factions.” She forcefully repeated that in her victory speech Tuesday.

“If anybody is interested in talking to me about public education, and you’re trying to pitch traditional publics against charters, don’t do it,” she said.

Parker has also avoided wading into a controversy over whether the Board of Education has discriminated against Black-led charter schools.

A report issued by a law firm last month found problems with the charter monitoring system that has resulted in a larger proportion of Black-led charters being closed. But the report, two years in the making, found no “intentional” racial discrimination.

Parker did say that as mayor she would “insist” that the state legislature reinstate a budget provision that sent millions of dollars to school districts to compensate them for “stranded costs” linked to charters and cyber charter schools that occur when students leave district schools in patterns that don’t allow for neat downsizing.

That provision was eliminated in 2011 by state lawmakers under the administration of former Gov. Tom Corbett, a Republican; half the total amount came to Philadelphia. Losing that reimbursement was among the factors that fueled resistance in Philadelphia to expanding the charter sector, including near the end of the period when the district was under state control from 2001 to 2017.

Parker’s main goal now, which she said is attainable through government and private collaboration: “We want all of our children in a 21st century, modern school building with the highest academic achievement.”

Dale Mezzacappa is a senior writer for Chalkbeat Philadelphia, where she covers K-12 schools and early childhood education in Philadelphia. Contact Dale at dmezzacappa@chalkbeat.org.

NYC cautions teachers about political speech amid planned walkout over war in Gaza

2023-11-08T23:37:57+00:00

In advance of a planned student and staff walkout at some New York City schools Thursday to call for a ceasefire in Gaza, schools Chancellor David Banks warned teachers about violating Education Department rules on political speech.

In an email to school staff Wednesday, Banks urged educators to keep their personal political beliefs out of the classroom — and warned that even out-of-school political activity can violate city rules if it “disrupts … the school environment.”

“When speech and action — even on one’s personal time — undermines the mission or core functions of NYCPS, we will review and take appropriate action on a case-by-case basis,” he wrote.

The warning comes a day before some city students and staff plan to walk out of school to call for an end to Israel’s ongoing bombardment of Gaza in response to Hamas’s Oct. 7 attacks.

A flyer for the event advertised “100+ high schools and school communities” organizers say are planning to walk out and join an afternoon rally in Bryant Park. Organizers of the event, including left-leaning teacher groups, parent organizations, and youth activist groups, also asked participants to call congressional representatives and encouraged parent groups to draft resolutions calling for a ceasefire.

Debates over political speech for students and staff have flared at educational institutions across the country in the month since the Hamas attack that killed an estimated 1,400 Israelis, mostly civilians, and took another 200 hostage. The subsequent Israeli bombardment and invasion of Gaza has killed an estimated 10,000 Palestinians, including thousands of children.

Tajh Sutton, a Brooklyn parent and president of Community Education Council 14, which is co-sponsoring the Thursday walkout, said its goal was to provide a “safe space to be in solidarity not only with Palestinian but Arab and Muslim families and young people.”

Sutton said she thought it was “no coincidence” that the chancellor’s warning came the day before the walkout, and said she interpreted it as an attempt to discourage staff from participating.

An Education Department spokesperson said the email was “written not in response to any particular event” and was “not meant to discourage or encourage any particular staff members.”

“We believe our staff will appreciate having clarity about how to balance their personal views and professional responsibilities,” the spokesperson added.

Donna Lieberman, the executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, said the chancellor’s letter is “inside the bounds of the law” but will “likely have the effect of stifling political discussion both inside the classroom and in the broader community.”

“The Department of Education should spend more time giving teachers the tools to support robust political debate, navigate students’ high emotions, and address serious issues — and less time monitoring their social media accounts,” she added.

Banks weighed in on Oct. 10 to condemn the “horrific acts of violence” committed by Hamas and provided a list of resources for educators to discuss the situation with students.

In an Oct. 26 joint statement with Mayor Eric Adams, Banks decried the “insensitive and threatening language” in “many of the images and videos we’ve seen at educational institutions across our city and this nation over the last few weeks.” Adams and Banks didn’t cite specific incidents, but several city students and educators have come under fire for inflammatory language in social media posts and protests.

Parent organizations have also entered the fray. Some Community Education Councils have passed resolutions condemning the Hamas attacks and expressing support for Israel. Sutton, the CEC 14 president, said her council is introducing a resolution calling for a ceasefire.

The Education Department regulation governing political speech says “school buildings are not public forums for purposes of community or political expression” and prohibits teachers from using school time or resources to advocate for specific candidates, political parties, or “political organizations.”

This isn’t the first time the regulation has come up in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In 2019, the group Palestine Legal challenged the Education Department’s use of the regulation to justify a principal asking a teacher to remove a shirt supporting the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions movement, which seeks to cut off economic support for Israel.

There’s legal precedent for school administrators to mete out discipline for out-of-school activities that disrupt the school environment. Department officials recently backed a Queens principal’s threat to discipline students for following certain Instagram accounts that he said contributed to cyberbullying.

As state reviews NYC mayoral control, officials to hold public hearings across five boroughs

2023-11-08T22:53:25+00:00

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Mayor Eric Adams will need to return to Albany next year to retain control of New York City schools, but in the meantime, residents across the five boroughs have a chance to voice their opinions on whether mayoral control has been effective.

As part of a comprehensive review of New York City’s school governance structure, the state plans to hold five public hearings in December and January, offering families, educators, school staff, administrators, and others an opportunity to weigh in on the city’s mayoral control system.

The review comes as part of a deal state lawmakers struck in 2022 — extending Adams’ control of the city’s schools for two years, while giving Albany time to assess how effective the long-standing system has been — though efforts to reconsider the system date back years. It seeks to understand the overall effectiveness of the system, including study of school governance models and best practices used by other school districts and input from a broad range of community members.

The current mayoral control deal will expire on June 30, meaning Adams will need to renegotiate in the next legislative session if he hopes to retain control.

Mayoral control — which has been regularly extended over the past two decades — has relied on the mayor’s power to choose the schools chancellor and appoint a majority of people to the city’s Panel on Educational Policy, a city board of mostly appointed members that votes on major policy proposals and contracts. Though Adams retained both in the 2022 deal, other changes lessened the level of control the mayor holds over the city’s school system.

In one significant move, for example, PEP members could no longer be removed for voting against their appointer’s wishes, making it harder to remove a panelist for opposing proposals from City Hall. The board also expanded from 15 to 23 members.

Adams has criticized state lawmakers for approving only a two-year extension.

“We should not have to fight for mayoral control every two years,” he said in a June interview on Synergy TV Fusion. “All mayors from Bloomberg to de Blasio, they had it for four years. We shouldn’t wait until we have a mayor of color, then all of a sudden the rules have changed.”

The public hearings will take place in each of the five boroughs, and members of the public can participate by speaking at the hearing or submitting a written testimony. All hearings will take place in the evening and are accessible by public transportation, state officials said.

The state hasn’t yet released details on how to submit testimony or posted specific times for the hearings.

Though the 2022 deal initially called for the review’s findings to be released to lawmakers and the governor by Dec. 1, its completion was delayed due to funding concerns, according to a state Education Department spokesperson. The state’s Education Department is currently working with the legislature to secure additional funding, and plans to submit its final report by March 31, officials said.

In Chicago, where mayoral control of schools was established in 1995, the city will transition to a fully elected school board by 2027.

Here’s where and when the public hearings will be held in each borough:

The Bronx:

Dec. 5 at DeWitt Clinton High School at 100 W. Mosholu Parkway S.

Queens:

Dec. 18 at Thomas A. Edison Career and Technical High School at 165-65 84th Ave.

Brooklyn:

Jan. 11 at Boys and Girls High School at 1700 Fulton St.

Manhattan:

Jan. 18 at Martin Luther King Jr. Educational Complex at 122 Amsterdam Ave.

Staten Island:

Jan. 29 at New Dorp High School at 465 New Dorp Ln.

Julian Shen-Berro is a reporter covering New York City. Contact him at jshen-berro@chalkbeat.org.

Tennessee should boost education funding, not reject federal money, school leaders say

2023-11-08T01:01:44+00:00

A state committee studying whether Tennessee should reject federal education dollars heard a unified plea from public school leaders not to do that — and to instead invest the state’s excess revenues in K-12 students, teachers, and schools.

“The needs are so great,” said Toni Williams, interim superintendent of Memphis-Shelby County Schools, Tennessee’s largest district, during remarks Tuesday before the panel.

She described dozens of school buildings that are over a century old, outdated HVAC systems, and the need to mitigate everything from mold to rats. Last year, a library ceiling collapsed at Cummings K-12 Optional School, injuring the school librarian and two other staff members.

Toni Williams, interim superintendent of Memphis-Shelby County Schools, speaks to state lawmakers on Nov. 7, 2023.

“This year has been incredibly difficult,” Williams said of her district’s work to address its ailing infrastructure while also providing teachers and staff with competitive pay and preparing for an end to federal COVID relief funding.

The plea from Williams and three other district leaders ran counter to the panel’s charge to develop a strategy on “how to reject certain federal funding or how to eliminate unwanted restrictions.”

Tennessee receives about $1.8 billion in federal funds for education. The U.S. government generally covers about a tenth of a state’s spending for public schools. No state has ever said no to federal funding for its students.

But leaders of Tennessee’s GOP-controlled legislature say they’re frustrated by the federal oversight that’s attached to receiving the money. Many of them believe the state can afford to forgo federal funding and fill the gap with state money.

The committee, appointed by the speakers of the House and Senate, kicked off hearings into the matter this week and is to report its findings and recommendations to the General Assembly by Jan. 9.

Federal funding cutoff could force tax increases later

On Monday, officials with the state comptroller’s office reported that districts in low-income and rural areas depend the most on federal funding. That money is directed to schools that serve disadvantaged students and programs that target certain needs ranging from rural education and English language learners to technology and charter schools.

On Tuesday, researchers with the Sycamore Institute, a nonpartisan think tank, said “much is unknown” if the state opts to pull out of the federal funding stream.

“There’s no precedent upon which to make projections,” said Mandy Spears, the institute’s deputy director.

Even with lower-than-projected revenues and experts predicting stagnant revenues ahead, Spears told the panel that Tennessee likely has room in its budget to replace federal dollars with state money. However, possible ramifications could include budget cuts or tax increases during a future shortfall or recession; protracted court battles over federal requirements that may still exist for schools even if funding is refused; and Tennesseans having to pay federal income taxes for education support that would go to other states.

Spears said federal requirements tied to federal funding provide an extra layer of accountability that’s important to many students and their families because of Tennessee’s history of racial discrimination, school segregation, and exclusion of students with disabilities from public schools.

“Students and families in these protected classes may worry that such practices could return in the absence of federal oversight,” Spears said.

Later Tuesday, the panel asked school district leaders numerous questions about staffing costs related to federal compliance and whether replacing federal funds with state money would give them more flexibility. They also questioned the superintendents about whether their districts measure how much federally funded food is wasted in school cafeterias.

They don’t.

“We just report the number of meals served every day,” said Williams of Memphis-Shelby County Schools, where food and nutrition is the second largest federally funded program at a cost of $89 million from the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Williams said 60% of the district’s 100,000-plus students are considered economically disadvantaged.

“Some of these students wouldn’t have an opportunity (to eat), if not for our food and nutrition program,” she said.

District leaders say extra funding is needed

Asked for a list of burdensome requirements associated with federal education funding, none of the school leaders spoke up. But they spoke at length about the need for more funding for public schools and their students.

Marlon King noted that Madison-Jackson County Schools, where he is superintendent, is among several districts in West Tennessee making investments to develop the future workforce for Ford Motor Co.’s new electric pickup truck plant in nearby Haywood County.

Hank Clay, chief of staff for Metropolitan Nashville Public Schools, worried that any move toward eliminating federal funding or oversight could tempt districts to shift money that helps their most vulnerable students, especially when school leaders are dealing with other challenges around teacher pay and school facilities.

“If there’s funding on the table to replace these federal dollars, we would welcome that, but ask that it be in addition to — because our students deserve it,” Clay said.

Matt Hixson, who leads schools in Hawkins County, called infrastructure a “huge concern” and noted that his rural district is staring at a $15 million price tag for roof replacement at two high schools. That cost is borne by local taxpayers.

“The only way we have to fund some of those projects is to stand in front of my peers in the county and say we need more tax money,” he said. “I’m a taxpayer too. I’m not a fan of big taxes.”

Earlier this year, the Tennessee Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations reported that the state needs to invest more than $9 billion in its K-12 education infrastructure over five years, an increase of nearly 9% from an assessment done a year earlier.

Of that amount, about $5.4 billion is needed for renovations and technology improvements, while nearly $3.6 billion is needed to build additions and new schools.

Marta Aldrich is a senior correspondent and covers the statehouse for Chalkbeat Tennessee. Contact her at maldrich@chalkbeat.org.

Philadelphia mayoral election results: Cherelle Parker wins

2023-11-08T01:00:02+00:00

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Democrat Cherelle Parker will be Philadelphia’s 100th mayor and the first woman to hold the position.

The Associated Press called the race for Parker Tuesday evening shortly after polls closed.

Parker will set the agenda on school safety, infrastructure, charter schools, funding, and more. She will have the power to appoint the city Board of Education’s nine members, who in turn evaluate the superintendent and monitor the district’s attempts to improve educational outcomes for students.

In her victory speech Tuesday night at the Sheet Metal Workers Local 19 headquarters, Parker reiterated her campaign promise to move towards year-round public school and said, “we are going to find a way to move educational opportunities for our young people forward.”

“We want all of our children in a 21st-century, modern school building with the highest academic achievement,” Parker said. “If anybody is interested in talking to me about public education, and you’re trying to pitch traditional publics against charters, don’t do it. I’m not the person to have that conversation with.”

With more than 273,800 ballots counted and 1,542 of 1,703 divisions reporting, the unofficial election results are:

Democrat Cherelle Parker: 73.6% (193,968 votes)
Republican David Oh: 25.6% (67,353 votes)

Check out our mayoral guide for more from both candidates.

In Philadelphia, where registered Democrats outnumber Republicans seven-to-one, there has been little doubt that Parker would win the general election. She collected endorsements from some of the most powerful labor unions in the city and promised to be a pragmatic dealmaker in Harrisburg capable of bringing more state funding to Philadelphia.

The Associated Press called the race for Parker Tuesday evening shortly after polls closed.

This election cycle, Parker leaned on her proposal for year-round public schools — which Superintendent Tony Watlington promised to pilot — her desire to reform the much-maligned lottery admissions process for selective schools, and an increased police presence in and around schools.

Republican David Oh, meanwhile, told Chalkbeat he saw a path to victory due in large part to his active, in-person campaign strategy. While Parker opted to stay out of the public eye for much of the summer, recovering from a dental emergency and holding private meetings, Oh was door-knocking, giving interviews, and calling for public debates.

Oh’s education platform called for a partially elected school board and a more “horizontal” district leadership model, with power shared between the superintendent and other chief executives.

Tonight’s vote counts are unofficial until the Philadelphia City Commissioners, the officials who oversee the city’s elections, certify the results.

Carly Sitrin is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Philadelphia. Contact Carly at csitrin@chalkbeat.org.

Who will vote in Chicago’s first school board elections in 2024? Lawmakers are trying to decide.

2023-11-08T00:39:39+00:00

Illinois lawmakers are debating competing proposals that would allow all Chicago voters to cast a ballot in the city’s first school board elections in 2024.

A new proposal put forward by House Democrats pairs up the 20 districts the city is currently divided into under a third draft map released last week.

That plan, filed by Rep. Ann Williams, who chairs the House Democrats’ Chicago Public Schools Districting Working Group, would result in 10 elected school board members and 10 appointed by the mayor from each pairing of districts. A school board president would also be appointed by the mayor.

Meanwhile, following a Senate executive committee meeting, Senate President Don Harmon put forward a plan to have all 20 districts vote in 2024 and let the mayor appoint only the school board president. That came shortly after a senate committee passed an amendment that suggested only 10 of 20 districts vote in 2024.

Harmon said creating an elected school board for Chicago has been “a long journey.”

“Hopefully, we are in the closing chapter in Springfield,” he said.

According to state law passed in 2021, Chicago will move from having a seven-member school board appointed by the mayor to a 21-member elected school board by 2027.

But the transition from an appointed board to a hybrid one to one that’s fully-elected has puzzled lawmakers tasked with dividing the city into electoral districts.

According to the law — and its subsequent trailer bill passed in 2021 — 10 school board members are to be elected on Nov. 5, 2024 from 10 geographic districts. The mayor is to appoint 10 members from those same districts and a school board president at-large. In November 2026, the appointed members would then switch to being elected, including the school board president who would be elected at-large.

By January 2027, all 21 members will be elected. Going forward, elections will be staggered, with half the board up for election every two years.

The senate’s previous proposal to assign each district a number and only have people living in odd-numbered districts vote in 2024 was met with criticism by advocates who spoke during Tuesday’s committee meeting.

Kurt Hilgendorf, special assistant to Chicago Teachers Union’s president Stacy Davis-Gates, said that while the senate’s plan proposes a more representative map and addresses concerns around candidate eligibility and ethics, the union has decided not to take a position because of the proposal to only allow roughly half of the city to vote in 2024.

“That creates a disenfranchisement lawsuit risk and that we think that maximum participation should be done in the first election,” said Hilgendorf. “We think that all the voters in the city of Chicago should have the right to vote in that first year election.”

Valerie Leonard, of Illinois African Americans for Equitable Redistricting, expressed the same concerns as Hilgendorf and suggested all 20 districts vote immediately.

“All districts should be up for election with half the terms being two-year terms and the other half being four years and that would create your stagger,” Leonard said.

At the end of Tuesday’s meeting, Harmon said having only 10 districts vote was the “Achilles’ heel” of the proposal Senate Democrats put forward late last week.

Shortly after the meeting ended, Harmon filed the amendment that would have residents in all 20 districts vote. Members elected in odd-numbered districts would serve four-year terms and members elected in even-numbered districts would serve two-year terms. The mayor would only appoint the school board president and in 2026, that position would be elected at-large by all Chicago voters.

If the House passes its new proposal to pair districts, it would need Senate approval. Similarly, the Senate’s proposal to have all 20 districts vote in 2024 would need House approval. Lawmakers are scheduled to be in session until Thursday.

Becky Vevea is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Becky at bvevea@chalkbeat.org.

Samantha Smylie is the state education reporter for Chalkbeat Chicago covering school districts across the state, legislation, special education and the state board of education. Contact Samantha at ssmylie@chalkbeat.org.

Proposition HH election results: Voters reject property tax measure that would have shored up school funding

2023-11-08T04:11:09+00:00

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Colorado voters strongly rejected Proposition HH, Democrats’ effort to offer property tax relief while shoring up school funding.

Advocates on both sides seemed to have anticipated the outcome, with the “no” campaign dubbing their watch party a celebration a full day before polls closed and the “yes” campaign not holding a watch party at all.

Proposition HH would have offered home and business owners some relief from rising property taxes while also allowing the state to keep and spend more money from other taxes, such as sales and income taxes. Much of that extra money would have been placed in the state education fund, where it could be used to support K-12 schools. In turn, less money would be available for taxpayer refunds after next year.

“Ultimately, people wanted simple property tax reform, and instead they came up with a 48-page bill that took away TABOR refunds without offering enough property tax relief,” said Michael Fields, president of Advance Colorado Action, a key player in the “no” campaign.

The defeat has renewed calls for a special legislative session, something Gov. Jared Polis has steadfastly refused to commit to. A spokesman said via text message Tuesday evening that Polis is disappointed voters didn’t pass property tax relief, and he is considering next steps.

Lawmakers have until December to provide some sort of property tax relief before the impact of 40% valuation increases hits homeowners and business owners. Any effort to cut property taxes, in turn, will affect funding for schools and many other local districts.

“All these property tax dollars coming in are what allows the governor to balance the budget and pay down the negative factor,” said Bell Policy Center President Scott Wasserman, who supported Proposition HH. “If this money goes away, we have to make up for it.”

The negative factor refers to the more than $10 billion Colorado lawmakers have withheld from K-12 schools to pay for other budget priorities since the start of the Great Recession. This withholding is also known as the budget stabilization factor. Next year’s proposed Colorado budget is the first since 2008 to fully fund schools. Higher local property taxes over the last several years have helped make that possible. More local funding means the state doesn’t need to kick in as much to meet constitutional funding requirements.

Education groups, including the Colorado Association of School Boards, the Colorado Education Association, and Democrats for Education Reform, all backed Proposition HH and provided much of the more than $2 million spent in favor of the measure.

They hoped the extra money Proposition HH would provide for schools would allow funding to increase in the future or help the state avoid cuts in a future recession. They also feared that not providing property tax relief would give fuel to Initiative 50, a measure Fields’ group has placed on the ballot for 2024 that could cap the growth of property taxes at 4% a year.

Wasserman called Initiative 50 a “school district destroyer.”

Yet Polis consistently refused to talk about Proposition HH’s impact on school funding, instead focusing on property tax relief.

Wasserman said the “yes” campaign might have benefited from a more honest conversation.

“Everyone involved should have talked much more holistically than just about property taxes,” he said. “I think the governor could have been more forthcoming with voters about the problem this was trying to solve.”

Wasserman said property taxes pay for so many critical local services, from fire districts to libraries to schools, and voters need to think about how property tax relief affects funding for those services.

Fields said he’ll withdraw Initiative 50 if the legislature provides more significant property tax relief than was offered in Proposition HH and agrees to some sort of cap on future increases. He rejected the idea that school districts would be harmed by a cap on future revenue.

“It’s a matter of prioritization,” Fields said. “I think there should be more money coming from the state. They should be fully funding schools and making sure more of that money gets into the classroom.”

School funding levels in Colorado are set by the state through a formula. The state makes up for whatever local property taxes don’t cover. That means whatever happens with property taxes has major implications for the state budget. Even as the state has struggled to meet its constitutional obligations to fund schools, K-12 education takes up more than a third of the general fund and crowds out other budget priorities, including higher education.

At the same time, Colorado funds its schools below the national average, and rural school districts offer some of the lowest starting salaries in the country.

Colorado voters have repeatedly rejected efforts to raise taxes statewide to increase school funding or to allow the state to keep and spend more money from existing taxes.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado’s Prop II election results: Voters back nicotine tax measure to fund preschool

2023-11-08T03:32:32+00:00

Colorado voters easily approved a ballot measure that will send more than $20 million to the state’s new universal preschool program.

Proposition II (pronounced “eye-eye”) will allow the state to keep all the money raised through a nicotine tax Colorado voters approved in 2020, even though the tax raised more money than originally predicted. The state is required by the Taxpayers Bill of Rights, commonly called TABOR, to ask voters if it can keep extra revenue generated by taxes — in this case $23.7 million. The state will get to keep any excess revenue in future years as well.

Prop II had no organized opposition. A similar measure that allowed the state to keep excess marijuana tax revenue above what officials predicted they’d collect passed with nearly 70% of the vote in 2015.

The additional nicotine tax money will go toward Colorado’s universal preschool program — the same place most of the nicotine tax money from the 2020 ballot measure is already going. The $322 million preschool program is one of Gov. Jared Polis’ signature initiatives.

Polis said in a statement Tuesday evening, “I am thrilled people voted in favor of providing more funding for our free universal preschool program that is saving families money, and this voter-approved measure will help fund more preschool for kids. Thank you to all voters who made their voices heard, and thank you for continuing Colorado’s clear history of supporting early education.”

The preschool program launched in August and provides tuition-free classes to about 38,500 4-year-olds and 10,300 3-year-olds this year. While the program has proven popular with families, its rollout has been rocky at times.

In July, thousands of families who expected tuition-free, full-day preschool found out their children would get less because the state didn’t have enough money. In August, school district officials sued over the program, claiming the state is harming students who have disabilities and breaking funding promises to families and schools.

Some of the $23.7 million available through Prop II could help solve these problems.

The money will help pay for additional half-day and full-day preschool spots next year. This year, full-day spots are available to 4-year-olds from lower-income families who also have a second risk factor. Those factors include being an English learner, having a special education plan, being homeless, or being in the foster care system. About 3,600 children are enrolled in free full-day classes this year.

Next year, state officials want to make free full-day classes available to 3,000 additional 4-year-olds, specifically those from very low-income families.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Jeffco school board election results: Union-backed candidates win two open seats

2023-11-08T17:36:38+00:00

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Two union-backed candidates won seats on Jeffco’s five-member school board after holding steady leads Tuesday evening.

Union-backed candidates already held the majority of seats on the Jeffco board. The election results show voters in Colorado’s second largest district reinforcing that majority.

“Jeffco voters have shown their support for our public schools via the ballot box, and clearly share our vision for strong neighborhood schools, the recruitment and retention of highly qualified educators, and a path for all students to find success in adulthood, even if they choose not to go to college,” said Kari Gray, social emotional learning specialist at Manning Middle School and chair of the union’s Political Action Team, in a press release.

Each seat represents a different district, but every Jeffco voter could select one candidate for each seat.

In District 3, currently represented by Stephanie Schooley, engineer Michelle Applegate won against college president Thomas Wicke.

In District 4, currently represented by Susan Miller, educator Erin Kenworthy took the lead over engineer Amara Hildebrand and advocate Joel Newton.

The county clerk’s office estimates they’ve counted more than 99% of the ballots cast.

The leading candidates in Jeffco received a lot of funding, in particular from union groups.

The teachers union endorsed Applegate and Kenworthy. Both candidates led in campaign fundraising by a wide margin, with more than $58,000 in contributions each. Wicke was the opponent with the next highest amount of campaign funds with more than $28,000 raised from business owners including Tim Walsh, owner of Confluence Builders and former candidate for a Senate seat, and from David Jones, a sitting council member in Arvada.

Hildebrand and Wicke had been endorsed by Colorado Conservative Patriot Alliance, although that group hasn’t contributed funding.

In terms of outside spending by committees that are not allowed to coordinate with candidates, there has been $111,326 from Students Deserve Better, which is a teachers union funding group, and more than $56,000 from Better Jeffco Schools, which states it supports conservative candidates and is campaigning for Wicke and Hildebrand.

The new board will be responsible for helping the district through financial problems in part related to declining enrollment and the end of COVID relief funding. After closing district schools, the board is still going through the process of figuring out what to do with the empty buildings, and the school board will have a role in that.

After closing 16 elementary schools and consolidating three middle schools, the district is not expecting another phase of school closures in the immediate future. However, officials have said they will continue to reevaluate.

The new board will also quickly have an important decision to make on new charter applications to potentially fill a gap after the vote to close Coal Creek Canyon K-8. The district is hosting an expedited charter application process with a board vote on Jan. 10.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Election results show Indiana voters mostly supporting school funding referendums

2023-11-08T21:50:59+00:00

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Indiana voters across the state showed support for giving their school districts the green light to use millions of dollars in property tax revenue to hire and retain teachers and fund programs and transportation.

Unofficial election results on Wednesday showed voters largely in support of property tax referendums in seven of the 11 districts that placed one on the ballot. Fort Wayne schools, along with three school districts in Hamilton County, saw strong support for their referendums. Monroe County schools’ referendum led Wednesday by just 108 votes.

Meanwhile, three districts in Lake County, including the School City of Hammond, saw the opposite results from their voters. By Wednesday, Lake Station schools’ referendum was down by only 14 votes.

Property tax referendums have long been a cornerstone of school funding in the state, but local revenue is especially important now as the federal emergency funding that has supported schools throughout COVID begins to sunset. Due to a change in state law this year, certain districts like the School City of Hammond will also need to share any property tax revenue with charter schools.

Indiana allows districts to ask local residents for three kinds of referendums: construction referendums for renovation and building projects; operating referendums for staff, programs, and services; and safety referendums, the newest type of ballot measure that allows schools to make security improvements and hire school resource officers.

This year, 11 districts sought approval from voters for new referendums or renewals of previous referendums. Below are the unofficial results according to the Indiana Election Division website.

Operating referendums

Carmel-Clay Schools, Hamilton County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 67.8% yes and 32.3% no.

Rate: $0.19 per $100 of assessed property value for eight years (renewal)

Annual revenue: $24 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $23 million dedicated to retaining and attracting teachers and staff

Hamilton Southeastern Schools, Hamilton County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 70.1% yes and 29.9% no.

Rate: $0.1995 per $100 of assessed property value for eight years (renewal at a decreased rate)

Annual revenue: $24 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $9 million for attracting and retaining teachers and $5.9 million for maintaining class sizes

Lake Station Community School Corp., Lake County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 49.3% yes and 50.7% no.

Rate: $0.54 per $100 of assessed value for eight years (renewal)

Annual revenue: $1.3 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $466,000 for school bus transportation

Monroe County Community School Corp., Monroe County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 50.5% yes and 49.5% no.

Rate: $0.085 per $100 of assessed value for eight years

Annual revenue: $8.5 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $6 million for funding low-cost preschool, $1.25 million for eliminating K-12 student fees

Northeast Dubois County School Corp., Dubois County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 60.6% yes and 39.4% no.

Rate: $0.18 per $100 of assessed value for eight years (renewal)

Annual revenue: $703,000

Highlights from the spending plan: $390,000 for academic programming

School City of Hammond, Lake County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 28.7% yes and 71.3% no.

Rate: $0.44 cents per $100 of assessed value for eight years (renewal)

Annual revenue: $14.6 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $4.8 million for school bus transportation

School City of Whiting, Lake County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 39.8% yes and 60.2% no.

Rate: $0.17 cents per $100 of assessed value for eight years

Annual revenue: $1.1 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $418,000 staff recruitment

West Lafayette Community Schools, Tippecanoe County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 80.5% yes and 19.5% no.

Rate: $0.37 cents per $100 of assessed value for eight years (renewal)

Annual revenue: $7 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $4.4 million for teacher and staff compensation for managing class sizes

Sheridan Community School Corp., Boone & Hamilton Counties

With 91% of precincts reporting in Hamilton County, the vote is 81.8% yes and 18.2% no in Hamilton County.

With 91% of precincts reporting in Boone County, the vote is 77.5% yes and 22.5% no.

Rate: $0.25 cents per $100 of assessed value for eight years (renewal)

Annual revenue: $1.3 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $896,000 for retaining and attracting teachers and staff

Safety referendums

Bluffton Harrison MSD, Wells County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 42.2% yes and 57.8% no.

Rate: $0.075 cents per $100 of assessed value for eight years

Annual revenue: $445,000

Highlights from the spending plan: $254,000 for additional school resource officers

Fort Wayne Community School Corporation, Allen County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 53.3% yes and 46.7% no.

Rate: $0.10 cents per $100 of assessed value for eight years

Annual revenue: $12 million

Highlights from the spending plan: $4 million for student advocates

Construction referendums

School City of Hammond, Lake County

With 91% of precincts reporting, the vote is 23.7% yes and 76.3% no.

Rate: $0.4357 per $100 of assessed value for eight years

Revenue: $84 million over 25 years

Highlights from the spending plan: Renovations and additions at Hammond Central High School and Morton High School

Aleksandra Appleton covers Indiana education policy and writes about K-12 schools across the state. Contact her at aappleton@chalkbeat.org.

Indianapolis mayoral election results: Democrat incumbent Joe Hogsett defeats Republican Jefferson Shreve

2023-11-08T03:49:47+00:00

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Democratic incumbent Mayor Joe Hogsett secured a third term with nearly 60% of the vote against Republican opponent Jefferson Shreve, unofficial election results showed with roughly 97% of precincts reporting as of 10 p.m. on Tuesday.

Shreve conceded in a speech to supporters at a watch party broadcast on WTHR, telling the crowd: “We can be better and we will be better, but (Hogsett) has won the night.”

He also pointed to the lead that Democrats have in Marion County, calling it “sobering.” Unofficial election results showed that roughly 65% of voters cast straight Democratic party ballots compared to roughly 35% of voters who cast straight Republican ballots.

“We’ve just got to learn to work within that model to advance change and improve our city,” he said.

In his speech to supporters broadcast on WTHR, Hogsett said that the pandemic had undeniably delayed some progress for the city.

“Now, the voters have spoken. They have given us the chance to deliver on those challenges that yet remain,” he said. “Because there are guns to get off of our streets. There is affordable housing to build. There are students to support. There are small businesses to empower.”

Voter turnout increased slightly since the last municipal election in 2019, with roughly 26% of registered voters casting a vote, per the Marion County Election Board. In 2019, 153,977 people voted, compared to 164,677 ballots cast in Tuesday’s election.

Hogsett will continue to have significant influence over public education in Indianapolis, where the mayor’s office serves as an authorizer for new and existing charter schools. Those decisions are made by the Indianapolis Charter School Board within the mayor’s Office of Education Innovation. The board has nine members with six members appointed by the mayor.

Hogsett’s top three education priorities highlighted in Chalkbeat’s voter guide are high-quality oversight of mayor-sponsored schools, improving literacy rates, and ensuring students are prepared for life beyond high school.

But education took a back seat in much of the discourse surrounding the mayoral election, with debates focusing mainly on police, the status of downtown Indianapolis, and the city’s animal shelter.

To address gun violence’s impact on young people, Hogsett highlighted “common-sense gun safety measures,” such as increasing the legal purchasing age from 18 to 21 and requiring a permit to carry a handgun in Marion County. The Indiana state legislature prohibits cities from regulating firearms, but Hogsett said he would push for state preemption on local gun laws to be removed in upcoming sessions.

In Chalkbeat’s voter guide, Hogsett said that as mayor he will continue to hold mayor-sponsored charter schools to high standards, “while remaining engaged with their work so we know if we need to step in to offer support.”

Hogsett would not say whether he would support a potential operating referendum by Indianapolis Public Schools that the district could propose to taxpayers in the future. Instead, he noted, the decision will be made by taxpayers within the IPS district.

Provisional and military ballots still need to be counted on Nov. 17. The Marion County Election Board will certify the vote totals on Nov. 20.

Amelia Pak-Harvey covers Indianapolis and Lawrence Township schools for Chalkbeat Indiana. Contact Amelia at apak-harvey@chalkbeat.org.

How a George Floyd book event at Whitehaven H.S. got squeezed by Tennessee law

2023-11-07T16:24:27+00:00

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Students at Memphis’ Whitehaven High School got a chance last month to hear from journalists Robert Samuels and Toluse Olorunnipa, authors of the Pulitzer Prize-winning book on George Floyd — his life, his brutal killing by police in 2020, and its aftermath.

But the students didn’t get to hear any excerpts from “His Name Is George Floyd,” and they weren’t allowed to take home copies of the book from school. The authors had to give their presentation without going too deep into the book’s main theme of systemic racism.

Who determined the restrictions and why is unclear. The organizers of the event, a local partnership called Memphis Reads, said their instructions to the authors were based on guidance from the school district on complying with Tennessee law that requires that books used in school be “age appropriate.”

Memphis-Shelby County Schools officials disputed their account, but repeatedly declined to answer questions about what they told the organizers or how they interpreted the law. In an email to the authors after the event, district communications chief Cathryn Stout said MSCS did not run the book through its review process before the visit.

In the end, the authors told Chalkbeat, the students who gathered at Whitehaven that day were shortchanged by restricted access to the book and a censored experience.

“Neither Tolu nor I know who to cast blame on,” Samuels said. “I’m not sure we could, or we should.”

But the ambiguous restrictions in this and other Tennessee laws have caused concern at the local level about compliance, Samuels said, resulting in “messy, potentially explosive debates between entities that usually get along.”

What is Memphis Reads?

Memphis Reads is a 12-year-old community reading program based at Christian Brothers University.

Each year, a selection committee chooses a book and brings the author or authors to Memphis to speak at CBU and Rhodes College, another partner. The program focuses on first year students at each school, but expands to include students at one public high school. The selected book usually relates to Memphis in some way.

This year, for instance, a CBU assignment asked students to relate the book’s themes to Memphis, where five police officers were charged in the death of Tyre Nichols. Nichols died in January, three days after officers beat him during a traffic stop. His death brought on federal investigations that have pushed Memphis to reexamine the relationship between its police and its people.

The five officers were fired after an internal investigation. One of the officers accepted a plea deal Thursday.

“The whole point of it … . is that we want to build community one book at a time,” said Justin Brooks, who has led the event since 2021 as CBU’s director of community engagement.

George Floyd killing sparked a movement, then a backlash

Floyd was killed during an arrest in May 2020, when a Minneapolis police officer pressed his knee onto Floyd’s neck for several minutes. An onlooker’s video recording of the event went public, triggering a huge outcry and calls for and policing reform. The officer was ultimately convicted of second-degree murder.

Samuels and Olonnuripa’s book, written while both were reporters at the Washington Post, looks not just at the incident but also at how pervasive racism in education, criminal justice, housing, and health care systems shaped Floyd’s life. “We learned about the man himself … and much more than how he died,” Samuels said during a forum at Rhodes College.

They also wrote about what happened afterward: a season of demonstrations, dialogue, and unrest during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, followed by what they call a “burgeoning backlash” to the racial justice movement, resulting in state laws across the country that stifled classroom discussions on race.

Tennessee was among the first states to legislate what public school students can — and cannot — be taught about race, gender, and bias. And the penalties are steep. Educators who violate the law may have their teaching licenses suspended or revoked. Districts can be fined for repeat offenses.

The authors of “His Name Is George Floyd” won 2023 Pulitzer Prize for nonfiction.

MSCS officials and the Memphis Reads organizers did not specifically cite this law as a factor in what ultimately happened at Whitehaven, but the law nonetheless hangs over educators’ decisions about what topics are appropriate for classroom discussion. Two Memphis teachers are among five in Tennessee challenging the law in federal court.

Tennessee’s Age Appropriate Materials Act, meanwhile, requires schools to publish a list of what’s in their library collections online and develop policies to review and remove books that aren’t appropriate — a term that the law leaves undefined.

MSCS has leeway to interpret this law, but longstanding tensions between the majority-Black, Democratic-led city and the mostly white, GOP-dominated state government mean the district can ill afford to risk a fight with the state over the nuances of race and books.

Christian Brothers University runs the Memphis Reads program in partnership with other community groups. In communication with Chalkbeat, CBU cited the Age Appropriate Materials law as the reason it understood that books and materials couldn’t be distributed at the Whitehaven event and said that the guidance came from the Memphis school district.

CBU and other Memphis Reads partners “were under the instruction of MSCS leadership when completing the formatting and regulations concerning the Age-Appropriate Materials Act,” Justin Brooks, the CBU community engagement director who heads Memphis Reads, wrote in an email to Chalkbeat.

MSCS officials wouldn’t confirm that to Chalkbeat, or explain whether Tennessee’s law regulating classroom conversations about race influenced any restrictions.

In the email to the authors after the event, shared later with Chalkbeat, Stout wrote that time constraints prevented the district from going through its own process to approve the book. Stout wrote that the district regretted that their “experience was anything less than welcoming.”

“Given the new, more detailed process, it will take some time to coordinate, but please know that His Name Is George Floyd is now under consideration to be added to the Whitehaven High School library collection,” Stout wrote to the authors, “and we look forward to having conversations with other school communities as requests arise.”

Separately, Stout shared with Chalkbeat a copy of a description from library book distributor Baker & Taylor that categorizes the book as “adult” and among the American Library Association’s “Notable Books for Adults.”

Stout also wrote in a public social media comment explaining the district’s position that the American Library Association labeled “His Name is George Floyd” as “adult literature (18 and older).”

What the ‘adult’ label says about a book

ALA spokesperson Raymond Garcia told Chalkbeat that the group “does not rate books” for age appropriateness.

Booklist, a book review magazine published by the ALA — and listed among resources for librarians in an MSCS manual — uses its “adult” label not to be restrictive but to signal that a book would be of interest primarily to adults, Garcia said.

“His Name is George Floyd” is also categorized as “nonfiction” and “social sciences.”

If the label was a factor in the decision not to allow Memphis Reads to distribute the books at Whitehaven, then that’s an “inaccurate understanding” of the purpose of such book labels, said Deborah Caldwell-Stone, the director of the Office for Intellectual Freedom at the American Library Association.

“We can think of any kinds of works of literature that would have been originally rated as of interest to an adult reader that are absolutely fine for young people to read, and it’s not too controversial,” Caldwell-Stone told Chalkbeat, citing “To Kill a Mockingbird” as an example.

Nonetheless, the ambiguity in Tennessee’s standard of “appropriateness” creates gray areas and heightens the stakes for local districts concerned about avoiding a violation, Caldwell-Stone said.

If a person or district cannot risk breaking the law, “then you’re going to be very thoughtful about what books you offer,” she said, “and thereby limit the opportunities to learn and engage with all kinds of ideas, even controversial or difficult ideas.”

A spokesperson for the Tennessee Department of Education says MSCS did not reach out to the state for guidance, and MSCS didn’t respond to a question from Chalkbeat about that issue.

Thanks to a donation from the publisher, Viking Books, students who want a free copy of the book will be able to get one from Respect the Haven, a community development group in Whitehaven that’s part of Memphis Reads.

Whitehaven High School serves some 1,500 students and is known among Memphis for its school pride and focus on students’ post-secondary scholarship achievements. Almost all of its students are Black, and about half of them are from low-income families.

“This event basically got censored out of fear of violating some law,” said Jason Sharif, head of Respect the Haven. “With us being a predominantly Black city, a predominantly Black school district, you cannot keep books like this or stories like this from being told to Black students.”

Jason Sharif, head of Respect the Haven, a partner in Memphis Reads, said the Whitehaven H.S. event “got censored” out of concern about state law.

Students caught up in racial politics

By the time Samuels and Olorunnipa arrived at Whitehaven High School for the event on Oct. 26, they knew some of the restrictions they would have to operate under. The two reporters were prepared to tell students about the journalistic work that went into writing the book, but to avoid going into depth about many of the issues it raised.

Brooks, from Memphis Reads, had told them they wouldn’t be able to read directly from the book, or talk about the book’s discussion of how systemic racism created many barriers for Floyd, long before his arrest and killing. MSCS was involved in setting these restrictions, Brooks said. The district did not comment on its role.

Instead of an open question-and-answer period, five students were pre-selected to ask Samuels and Olorunnipa prepared questions, which was different from the open conversations at the two other panels that Memphis Reads organized. This was in line with MSCS protocol for events, Brooks said.

Brooks said it was CBU’s call to keep the event closed to media, out of concern for student safety. A Chalkbeat reporter attended two similar events at the college level.

Stout said Brooks and Sharif had created a narrative about the event that is “inconsistent” with the district’s point of view and its own initiatives. She highlighted a Memphis school integration curriculum and a social emotional learning curriculum involving the death of Tyre Nichols, a Black man who was fatally injured by Memphis police after a traffic stop in early 2023.

MSCS told Chalkbeat that it was glad Whitehaven students had the opportunity to hear the journalists speak, as did CBU in its own communication.

Authors Robert Samuels and Toluse Olorunnipa had early doubts about being part of an event at Whitehaven High School with restrictions on their speech, but said they were grateful for the opportunity.

And Samuels and Olorunnipa, who had early doubts about being part of an event with restrictions on their speech, said they were grateful for the opportunity, too. They were approached at the end of the event by a Whitehaven high schooler with a notebook full of questions who said he wanted to be a journalist. The authors relished the chance to expand what the student imagined for his future.

“Even through this period of backlash, we think it’s important to continue to push forward and continue to make a pathway for people who are caught up in the back and forth,” Olorunnipa said during another forum.

“A lot of these kids have nothing to do with the politics,” Olorunnipa added. “They are just trying to make it. They’re just trying to live their best lives. And sometimes they become pawns in our political fights.”

Laura Testino covers Memphis-Shelby County Schools for Chalkbeat Tennessee. Reach Laura at LTestino@chalkbeat.org.

Mergers, migrants, curriculum mandates: NYC schools chief David Banks on his first 2 years

2023-11-07T11:00:00+00:00

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When David Banks took the reins of New York City’s public schools, he offered a blunt diagnosis. The system is “fundamentally flawed,” he said, and in need of complete transformation.

Nearly two years later, the chancellor’s vision for improving the system is coming into sharper focus. Rather than pursuing aggressive changes in many areas of the system, he has prioritized one problem above all others: Nearly half of students aren’t proficient readers.

In a wide-ranging interview with Chalkbeat, Banks indicated the nation’s largest school system is too unwieldy to change on many fronts at once. And if children graduate without basic reading skills, little else matters, he says.

So far, the literacy overhaul has been swift and bumpy, with some elementary school teachers saying that they haven’t felt prepared enough to deploy new reading curriculums this fall — reports that Banks acknowledged while defending the pace of the rollout.

But even as Banks makes reading instruction his signature issue, the system is still facing many other challenges. Roughly $7 billion in federal relief funding is drying up, and Mayor Eric Adams is ordering significant cuts on top of that. There are a growing number of significantly under-enrolled schools — some of which Banks said will likely need to be consolidated. And the city is also contending with a massive influx of migrant children, many of whom have faced significant trauma and disruptions to their schooling.

The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.

You’re coming up on two years running the nation’s largest school system. What surprised you most about the role that you didn’t anticipate?

I think the level of distrust that so many people have about the quote unquote ‘DOE’ [Department of Education]. It’s almost like we can’t trust whatever you say. When I say that, I’m talking about community members, for the most part — parents. There was a heightened state of agitation. And not something that I did. It was just…they were almost ready for battle at every moment.

And I think it was Deputy Chancellor Kenita Lloyd who said to me, ‘There’s been a broken trust.’ And it demonstrated itself in ways like the PEP [Panel for Educational Policy]. You have the PEP meeting that goes all night long.

I said, ‘This doesn’t even make any sense to me.’ People have to stay up ‘till 2, 3 o’clock in the morning for their two minutes. I think the sense was that people didn’t feel like they were being heard. So they’re ready to be really loud to try to be heard.

Once I got in and I got settled I could understand what it was. And I think it’s also my greatest achievement of having been here so far, which is I think we’ve done a lot to help to rebuild a level of trust with communities.

When you were first appointed, you offered a fairly dark assessment of the city’s public school system, saying it was ‘fundamentally flawed.’ You suggested there were too many people working in central jobs away from school. What is your assessment today? Have you done anything to trim the central office other than eliminating the executive superintendent roles?

We have moved, since I’ve been here, over 300 people off of our payroll, number one. Number two, through the local superintendents, we have moved dozens and dozens of people closer to the action into the superintendents’ offices.

What I came to realize is that the narrative of this bloated bureaucracy that’s uncaring — is actually not true. There are a lot of people here, who care deeply about what goes on. I think that’s why the NYC Reads stuff [the reading curriculum overhaul] is so important to me. Because I think we’ve not gotten the results in our schools, which has caused everybody to be turned off. And it’s caused even the people who work here to be deeply frustrated.

Some of your early rhetoric suggested that you were interested in a total transformation of the system. It seems like that kind of rhetoric has given way to a more pragmatic set of initiatives focused on improving the quality of early literacy instruction, and also exposing more students to career options before they graduate. Are there any other big projects on the horizon?

My legacy work will really be around what we’re doing with literacy. And then I think the work we’re doing on career-connected learning and pathways will be right behind it.

But I’m really staking my reputation on reading in particular. Because I do believe that fundamentally, as somebody who’s been in the classroom for years, and has led schools, that it’s the foundation. If you don’t get that right all these other things don’t really matter. It’s the reason why you don’t hear me talking about 20 different things, although we’re doing lots of other things.

I can connect those to other areas that I think are really important and where we’re going to be going as a system. And that would really be around virtual learning, artificial intelligence, the use of technology. I think those kinds of things will fundamentally, whether we like it or not, change not just our system. All systems across America are in for a sea change in that regard. So I’m doing a lot of work behind the scenes to try to figure out how we can get out in front where New York City can lead on that.

But none of that will even matter if kids can’t read.

Your background is mostly in working with middle and high school students. How did you become persuaded to make early literacy your signature thing? Was it a conversation with the mayor?

The mayor focused when we came in on dyslexia, and so we were all in on the dyslexia and the screenings, and really making sure that we’re getting those kids the kinds of interventions or whatnot that they really need to put them on track. But in the midst of that, as I moved all over the system, I was reminded over and over again, beyond the kids with dyslexia, just the average kid who doesn’t have any of those kinds of text-based challenges, they don’t know how to read.

It was over a series of visits and conversations, and talking to teachers who were saying, ‘We are off track. Not only my school, but as a whole system.’ I would hear that over and over again. And people would say, years ago, kids learn through phonics, we learn the phonetic approach to teaching reading.

And then I think, when I listened to the podcast [“Sold a Story”]...that was the first thing that really crystallized these conversations that people were sharing with me, it framed it for me. And then behind that, when I saw the documentary, “The Right to Read,” the combination of those two, fully crystallized these loose conversations that I was having with folks. And I got to the ultimate ‘aha,’ this is where the issue is.

I’ve been spending some time recently talking to teachers who are in the first phase [of the literacy curriculum mandate]. And one of the things I’ve heard from a lot of them is they feel like this happened really fast. Some felt unprepared to teach the new curriculums. What is your message to those teachers?

I’m certainly not surprised by any of that as a response. We are all in a process of trying to catch up because there’s a sense of urgency. In the best of all worlds, we would have studied this for the next three or four years. We would’ve done all kinds of surveys. But when you add the ‘aha moment’ that it is time to move, you have to move, knowing that it’s not going to be perfect. We are building the plane as we are flying it because kids’ lives are actually hanging in the balance.

I do not expect us to have some dramatically different results over the next two to three years. But I do think you will see constant gains over the next several years. And I think you will see dramatic gains over the next five, six years.

One of the biggest challenges for the system right now is financial. About $7 billion of federal relief money is drying up, which has been used to expand summer school, keep school budgets steady despite enrollment drops, hire counselors and fund some of your own initiatives. On top of that, Mayor Eric Adams is ordering pretty significant budget cuts. Can you give us a sense of what criteria you’re using to determine which programs get cut and which don’t?

We’ve not finalized decisions. And these are not all fully just my decisions either. The mayor and the City Council are really going to have to come together and figure out what happens. Everything is on the table to see some level of reduction. I’ve made it clear that I think what we’re doing on the reading, and the [career] pathways as my priority areas. So we’re gonna do everything to fight like heck to protect those. Everything else is subject to it.

Listen, I’m a champion of the arts. I don’t want to see any reduction in the arts. So I’m going to be fighting as well. But we got dozens and dozens and dozens of other initiatives. I think Summer Rising has been a wonderful program. We had 110,000 kids last year, we could easily have 150,000. But it may be reduced because it is the fiscal reality that we are facing.

I’ve heard a lot of City Council folks say, ‘We’re going to fight like heck to make sure there’s no reductions in school budgets.’ That’s great, right? But the funding is going to come from somewhere.

Do you anticipate having to reduce the department’s headcount significantly over the coming years?

The mayor is on record as saying that we’re not going to be letting go of employees. So we’re not going to excess folks. We’re not getting rid of folks, we’re not laying people off.

The challenge is going to be where do we find it programmatically and how much our school budgets [are] ultimately impacted.

New York has seen a large influx of more than 20,000 migrant children. What’s your sense of how that is affecting schools? Can you point to examples of schools that are doing a really effective job?

We can certainly give you a list of schools. All of these schools that I have continued to visit — amazing. These folks lead with their heart. And it goes well beyond even what’s in their particular budgets. You got parent coordinators, who are leading clothing drives and food drives. You got principals who are just organizing their entire school community as a family to wrap their arms around so many of these young people, it is amazing. I’ve said this before and I’ll say it again, it is New York City at its best, when you see how we are responding.

I haven’t visited one school, Alex, when people are like, ‘We are at our wits end, we cannot help these kids anymore. We don’t know what to do.’ I’ve never been at one school where I’ve heard anybody say that.

The city doesn’t have a great track record of equitably distributing students who enroll after the traditional admissions process. There was some research a few years ago that found that high school students who enrolled midyear were disproportionately clustered at lower-performing schools. Does the city have an overarching enrollment strategy for migrant children? How do you think that students should be distributed in a way that’s equitable?

There’s a wide range of students. For the younger children, we’ve done everything we could to get them into the school that they are kind of zoned for. That’s been dictated by where these shelters have been. We don’t want a child who’s in a shelter in the Bronx and send them to the second grade in Queens.

While we want to get them as close as possible, we cannot overwhelm any individual school. So if that means we’ve got to go to the next neighborhood over with some of those schools who are saying, ‘We would love to have more students,’ many of these schools, you have to remember, are experiencing enrollment decline and low enrollment. We want to make sure that they’re the right kinds of programs and supports in those schools.

One of the other big structural issues that you’re facing is a growing number of really small schools, which are expensive to operate, and also sometimes struggle to offer a full range of programs given that a school’s budget is determined on a per-student basis. I’m wondering if there’s a cut off below which you think at school is just too small to be sustainable?

No specific number, but we had dozens and dozens of really small schools. When I say really small, I’m talking about schools with 125 kids and less. I ran a small school, but my small school had 450 to 500 kids, which was what the initial definition of a small school was. It’s hard to figure out how people can run a full comprehensive high school with 80 kids as your entire school. And we have schools with those numbers.

And should we expect to see that starting this year?

You should probably expect to hear community conversations around that this year. And we will see where it will lead us. But the notion of some level of consolidation is something that I think we would be irresponsible if we were not looking at that, particularly in light of the fiscal challenges that we’re having. So we’re looking at it — nothing definitive yet.

I’m leaving a lot of that to the superintendents themselves who know their school communities best and are already meeting with principals around the city to start those conversations.

The latest round of national test scores indicate that student achievement took a big hit during the pandemic, particularly in math. How worried are you about the lingering effects of the pandemic on student achievement? Is there anything new on the horizon to help schools close those gaps?

I was not surprised at all by the learning loss and the scores and everything else. You know, the immediate shift into virtual learning was a tremendous challenge for everybody. I think the upside is that we got a lot better at it. It’s one reason I’m really excited about some of our virtual schools work that we’re doing, because we see that as a beacon and a blueprint also for the rest of the system. But I do think we’ve got real work to do.

We’re allowing schools to provide a range of supports. Some of them are doing high-dosage tutoring, some of the buddying students up — we leave a lot of that sort of to the schools themselves. We don’t try to mandate everything. What we are mandating is this approach to the science of reading, which I think will ultimately bear fruit in ELA and math, over a period of time.

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

The day before the Denver school board election, spending in the races nears $1.9 million

2023-11-06T19:04:30+00:00

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On the eve of the Nov. 7 election, spending in the Denver school board races has climbed to nearly $1.9 million, according to reports filed with the Colorado Secretary of State’s office.

It’s not a record yet — but it’s close. The most expensive Denver school board race ever was in 2019, when candidates and outside groups spent $2.28 million. However, this year’s running total has surpassed spending in the last election in 2021, which totaled $1.67 million.

Three seats on the seven-member Denver school board are up for grabs Tuesday. The election won’t change the balance of power on the board; members backed by the Denver teachers union will still hold the majority of seats. But it could change the board’s interpersonal dynamics, which have been tense, and perhaps the political dynamics as well.

As in past elections, the bulk of the spending is by independent expenditure committees, which cannot coordinate with the candidates. In Denver Public Schools election politics, the Denver Classroom Teachers Association is typically on one side, and groups that support charter schools and education reform are on the other side.

So far, the pro-charter side is outspending the union 4½ to 1.

This year’s big spender is a pro-charter committee called Better Leaders, Stronger Schools, which has spent $1.3 million on digital advertising, mailers, text messaging, and even TV ads, which are unheard of in Denver school board elections.

The committee is supporting three candidates: John Youngquist for an at-large seat, Marlene De La Rosa in District 5, and Kimberlee Sia in District 1.

Better Leaders, Stronger Schools is largely funded by Denver Families Action, the political arm of a group called Denver Families for Public Schools. Denver Families was founded in 2021 with the backing of several local charter school networks, and its board is made up of charter leaders.

Better Leaders, Stronger Schools has also gotten donations from wealthy Colorado businesspeople, including $250,000 from Kent Thiry, the former CEO of dialysis provider DaVita. Envision CEO James Rechtin gave $15,000, while SonderMind CEO Mark Frank and Benson Mineral Group Co. each gave $20,000. Oakwood Homes CEO Pat Hamill, Liberty Global CEO Mike Fries, and private-equity firm Rallyday Partners each gave $10,000.

The teachers union is supporting three candidates: Kwame Spearman for the at-large seat, Charmaine Lindsay in District 5, and Scott Baldermann in District 1. Lindsay and Baldermann are incumbents running to keep their seats.

The union is spending money two ways: by giving directly to the candidates and through its own independent expenditure committee. So far, the Denver and Colorado teachers unions have given $47,500 each directly to Spearman and Baldermann, and $35,405 to Lindsay.

The union’s committee, called Students Deserve Better, has spent just over $150,000 on mailers and digital ads in the Denver school board races this year.

For the second time, Baldermann is largely self-funding his campaign, pumping $91,000 into his reelection bid so far. In 2019, he spent more than three times as much.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois lawmakers propose having half of Chicago voters select school board members in 2024

2023-11-03T23:45:00+00:00

Roughly half of Chicago voters would get to elect school board members in 2024 and the other half would vote in 2026, according to new language proposed by state lawmakers late Friday.

Earlier this week, legislators released a new draft map that divides the city into 20 districts. Each district has roughly 137,000 people in it. The new proposal assigns each district a number and says odd-numbered districts would vote in 2024. The state legislature could vote on the proposal during next week’s veto session.

In addition to outlining how Chicagoans would vote in the 2024 and 2026 election, the proposal includes ethics requirements for elected members and a conflict of interest provision that falls in line with state law.

The proposal also calls for the board of education to create a Black Student Achievement Committee to address the needs of Black students throughout the district and create a strategic plan to close the gap in academic achievement between Black students and their peers.

Valerie Leonard, of Illinois African Americans for Equitable Redistricting, has pushed during public hearings for the Senate’s committee on the elected school board to create a Black Student Achievement Committee.

According to state law passed in 2021, 10 members of the school board are to be elected and 10 are to be appointed by the mayor in 2024. The mayor will also appoint a school board president. In 2026, the districts with appointed members will vote and the entire city will vote for a school board president.

People interested in running for Chicago’s Board of Education must collect 250 signatures from their districts and can begin circulating petitions on March 26, 2024. To get on the ballot, petitions must be filed by June 24, 2024.

Becky Vevea is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Becky at bvevea@chalkbeat.org.

Campaign finance complaint filed against Resign DPS Board’s anti-incumbent ads

2023-11-03T22:38:25+00:00

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Google ads encouraging Denver voters to oust the incumbents on the school board in the Nov. 7 election are the subject of a campaign finance complaint against the group Resign DPS Board, a document filed with the Colorado Secretary of State’s office shows.

The complaint alleges that Resign DPS Board, a parent group formed in the wake of a March shooting inside East High School, failed to disclose spending $2,000 on Google ads that say “vote out incumbent candidates up for re-election.” The ads popped up at the top of a Google search for Scott Baldermann, a board member running for re-election in southeast Denver’s District 1, according to a screenshot attached to the complaint.

Baldermann faces challenger Kimberlee Sia for the District 1 seat.

The ads included a link to the Resign DPS Board website, which also encourages voters to oust the incumbents. Charmaine Lindsay is the other incumbent; she is running against Marlene De La Rosa and Adam Slutzker to keep her seat representing northwest Denver’s District 5.

This close to an election, state law requires candidates or groups to file reports within 48 hours disclosing “electioneering communications” that cost more than $1,000. The complaint alleges that Resign DPS Board failed to do so. The complaint was filed Wednesday by a person named Kevin Williams. Williams did not return a phone call or email seeking comment.

Heather Lamm, a founder of Resign DPS Board, said via text message that the group disagrees that the ads are electioneering communications, but has pulled them down anyway.

“We believe we are promoting voter education,” she wrote.

Resign DPS Board is not registered as a political committee with the Colorado Secretary of State’s office. Lamm said the group didn’t think it was necessary since its message is mostly focused on advocating for the current school board to resign.

The complaint alleges that the group’s website contains numerous examples of “express advocacy” in the Nov. 7 school board election without disclosing who paid for the advocacy or saying it was not authorized by any candidate, as is required.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Michigan lawmakers OK debt relief for some districts, and a change in teacher evaluations

2023-11-03T21:50:57+00:00

Another round of education legislation is headed to Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s desk after Michigan lawmakers passed a budget bill that will provide debt relief for some of the most financially troubled districts in the state, as well as a bill that will change how teachers are evaluated.

The bills are further illustration of how Democrats’ rise to power this year in the Michigan Legislature has changed the education landscape in the state. In addition to the bills that passed this week, the Democratic majority has halted key GOP-backed education initiatives of the past decade and a half, such as state laws that required schools hold back some struggling third graders, required the state to assign letter grades to schools, and weakened teacher bargaining rights.

The bills were forwarded to Whitmer during a busy week for education news in Michigan: Lawmakers in the House discussed a new bill that would require charter schools to post teacher salary information on their websites. A new report on the deadly Oxford High School shooting in 2021 left some asking for more information. And state officials released new information about school districts providing free meals for students.

Here is more on the new legislation:

Struggling school districts get debt relief

Advocates for months have pushed lawmakers to provide debt relief for a handful of school districts, several of which had been under emergency management by the state. That paid off Thursday when lawmakers approved a supplemental budget bill that in part will whittle down debt for districts in Benton Harbor, Pontiac, Muskegon Heights, and Ypsilanti.

“Fixing the debt is going to help out everybody,” Seven Green, a fifth grader in Benton Harbor, said in a statement from the Michigan Education Justice Coalition, which had pushed for the debt relief. “It helps the teachers, the staff, the buildings, and the students would get more attention.”

Also benefiting are homeowners in the former Inkster Public Schools district, which was dissolved by the state in 2013 because of its massive debt. Even though the district closed, taxpayers were on the hook for millions of dollars in debt. Sen. Dayna Polehanki, a Democrat from Livonia, said in testimony Thursday that without the aid, the debt wouldn’t be paid off until 2032. The supplemental bill erases that $12 million debt.

“My constituents in Inkster need this relief, they deserve this relief, and if they choose to try and resurrect their school district, it can’t happen without remaining debt forgiveness,” Polehanki said.

Here’s how the debt relief will benefit the other districts:

The Pontiac School District will receive up to $18.4 million to pay an outstanding emergency loan balance.
Benton Harbor Area Schools will receive up to $10 million to pay an outstanding emergency loan balance.
The Muskegon Heights School District will receive up to $31.3 million to pay an outstanding emergency loan balance, outstanding school bond loan fund balances, school loan revolving fund balances, associated general obligation unlimited tax debt, or costs associated with the payoff of debt.
Ypsilanti Community Schools will receive up to $5.5 million to pay the outstanding long-term limited tax debt held by the Michigan Finance Authority.
The former Willow Run Community Schools (which consolidated with the Ypsilanti district in 2013) will receive up to $19.36 million to pay outstanding school bond loan fund balances or school loan revolving fund balances.

The bill passed in the House and Senate along party lines, with Republicans opposed to the spending plans.

A statement from the Benton Harbor district described the debt relief as a “vital lifeline.”

“This relief is not just a financial reprieve but a moral support to our entire school community,” Superintendent Kelvin Butts said in the statement. “It stands as a testament to the faith that the State of Michigan and our local representatives have in our future.”

Millions allocated to ensure safe drinking water in schools

Schools and child care centers can get financial help from the state to ensure their drinking water is safe.

The supplemental bill that passed Thursday allocates $50 million for the purchase of drinking water filtration devices for schools and child care centers.

This comes just weeks after Michigan lawmakers passed new laws that Whitmer described in a statement at the time as protecting children. The laws now require schools and child care centers to install filtered faucets, develop a drinking water management plan, and conduct routine sampling and testing to ensure safe and accessible drinking water for children, the statement said.

Teacher evaluation legislation gets final passage

The Legislature this week passed a bill that would eliminate test scores as a factor in how teachers are evaluated. The bill passed along party lines, with Republicans opposed.

Current state law requires that student scores on standardized tests count for 40% of a teacher’s performance rating.

The bill that passed Wednesday eliminates that requirement and allows districts to use their own criteria for evaluating teachers, such as classroom observations, samples of student work, rubrics, and lesson plans.

Lori Higgins is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Detroit. You can reach her at lhiggins@chalkbeat.org.

MLK College Prep students will have 6 choices for next year while new school is built

2023-11-03T21:27:45+00:00

Students at MLK College Preparatory High School in Frayser will get to choose from among six schools to attend beginning next school year, as Memphis-Shelby County Schools begins construction of a new high school on the same site.

MLK College Prep is closing as it returns to MSCS control after 10 years in the Achievement School District, a failed state effort to turn around struggling schools, mostly under charter operators. The school board rejected the school’s bid to return to the district as a charter school.

The new school on the site, which is expected to open in 2027, will replace MLK College Prep and nearby Trezevant High School. Trezevant, which is in the district-run iZone turnaround program, is one of the six schools that displaced MLK students can choose to attend next year, district officials said at a town hall meeting Thursday.

The others are Craigmont High, Medical District High, Raleigh-Egypt High, Middle College High and Manassas High.

Patrice Thomas, chief of strategic operations and planning adviser for MSCS, explained that MLK College Prep students will be assigned to Trezevant High by default. Transportation will be provided to Trezevant, but it will also be provided to two other schools that draw the most MLK College Prep students.

“Trezevant is the closest school to MLK, but that might not be the option for all our students,” Thomas said.

“We want to get a list of the top two schools that most of the students are interested in attending, and we’ll provide the transportation,” she said.

Two of the six schools — Middle College High and Medical District High — have minimum requirements for enrollment and may be off limits to some MLK College Prep students.

District communications chief Cathryn Stout said the district doesn’t have a lot of flexibility around the requirements because those schools are connected to college campuses, and many of the requirements were tied to students’ behavior.

“They want to make sure that students who are coming to use their college campuses, their college resources, have a certain behavior level,” Stout said.

A new high school in Frayser has been on the drawing board for some time, and for years, the district has been seeking funding for a school to replace Trezevant, whose deferred maintenance bills are among the highest of the public schools.

This year, MSCS received $9.9 million from the Shelby County Commission to help build the state-of-the-art school, which is expected to cost around $90 million.

Construction is expected to begin next April and end by February 2027, according to a schedule submitted by TWF Builders, the contractors for the project.

Reaction to the announcement of the high school choices for next year was mixed at Thursday’s town hall.

While most parents and attendees welcomed the idea of a new high school, some said they were frustrated, because they thought the students were going to remain in the school at least for the next school year.

Others worried about their children adjusting to a new school, and that “territorialism” at Trezevant might lead to their children being bullied.

“It is frustrating to parents, and I don’t think it’s fair to them that they’ve heard so many different stories,” said Tasha Williams, who came out to support the parent group Memphis Lift.

“We have to roll with the punches,” Williams said, “but the parents had gotten comfortable, because they thought they had time to plan, and they found out that they didn’t.”

Bobby White, CEO of Frayser Community Schools, the charter network that managed MLK College Prep, told parents that the new high school would offer a new beginning for the neighborhood.

“I know that this is challenging. I know that this is life changing,” he said. “But this is a one-time opportunity for 38127. The discomfort of the moment shouldn’t get in the way of the excitement for the future.”

Bureau Chief Tonyaa Weathersbee oversees Chalkbeat Tennessee’s education coverage. Reach her at tweathersbee@chalkbeat.org.

Denver school board revives proposal to raise members’ pay to $33,000 a year

2023-11-03T02:02:06+00:00

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The Denver school board has revived a proposal to quadruple members’ pay to up to $33,000 a year, and most members voiced support for the idea at a meeting Thursday.

The board is set to vote on the proposal Nov. 16, which would be after next week’s school board election but before the new board members are sworn in.

Three of the seven Denver school board seats are up for election Nov. 7. Only newly elected or reelected board members would be eligible for the higher pay.

The board first considered this proposal in February but put it on hold because backers said it wasn’t ready. On Thursday, several members said raising pay would attract more diverse candidates to run for the school board, which one member called “a full-time job on top of a full-time job.”

“It’s definitely a problem that we don’t attract people to do this job because it doesn’t pay,” said board member Charmaine Lindsay, calling the current stipend ”a minimal amount of money.”

Only one board member, Scott Baldermann, said he was opposed. He said he agrees with raising pay but that the board needs to first have a more robust conversation about board member spending. Baldermann previously raised concerns about the lack of a policy on how much board members can spend on expenses such as traveling to conferences, which added up to more than $40,000 last fiscal year, according to the Denver Post.

A board policy passed in 2021 allows Denver board members to be paid up to $8,250 a year, with the rate to increase each year in accordance with inflation.

But not all seven board members are eligible to receive the pay. That’s because the 2021 state law allowing school board compensation doesn’t let sitting board members raise their own pay, and three of the current members were among those who voted on the first pay policy.

District records show only three board members were paid in the last fiscal year. Scott Esserman and Michelle Quattlebaum were paid the most, more than $13,000 each, which is a combination of pay and public employee retirement benefits. Board President Xóchitl “Sochi” Gaytán got more than $12,000 in pay and retirement benefits.

Esserman, Quattlebaum, and Gaytán would not be eligible for the $33,000, though they would continue to receive the lower pay. The same would be true for board member Carrie Olson, who is halfway through her second term on the board but has not requested any pay.

Only the three board members elected on Nov. 7 would be eligible. Two current board members, Baldermann and Lindsay, are running to keep their seats.

The new proposal would allow board members to be paid up to $150 per day, five days a week — which is the maximum under state law. The board does not meet in July, so board members are only paid 11 months out of the year, hence the $33,000. The current policy allows board members to be paid up to $150 per day, five days a month.

Many Colorado elected officials draw salaries, though the amounts vary widely. Denver City Council members are paid $110,595 annually. The city council president makes $123,846.

At least two other Colorado school boards, in Aurora and Sheridan, have voted to pay their members. Aurora board members elected next week will be eligible for up to $450 a month. Sheridan board members can’t get paid for regular meetings, but can request $150 a day for conferences and board retreats.

Denver would be the only Colorado school board paying the maximum under the law if board members approve the increase.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Tennessee’s first A-F letter grades for schools will stress proficiency

2023-11-03T00:01:41+00:00

After months of asking Tennesseans how the state should judge its public schools when giving them their first A-F letter grades, Education Commissioner Lizzette Reynolds mostly ignored the feedback.

In her first major initiative since taking the helm of the state education department in July, Reynolds chose a school grading system that elevates the importance of proficiency — whether students are meeting certain academic standards on state tests — over the progress that schools make toward meeting those standards over the course of a year.

Her plan, unveiled on Thursday, will mark a sharp change of course for Tennessee, considered a pioneer in emphasizing growth measurements to assess its students, teachers, and schools.

It’s also significantly different from what Tennesseans have asked state officials for since Reynolds announced in August that an overhaul in the state’s grading system was coming. The overwhelming feedback at 10 town halls, meetings with stakeholders, and in nearly 300 public comments was for keeping the calculation focused on growth, as it has been the last five years.

Reynolds’ plan is similar to the model backed by ExcelinEd, the education advocacy group founded by former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush and where Reynolds previously served as policy director.

It will still include improvement as a factor, as required by a 2016 Tennessee law, but achievement will get more weight than under the original formula — and there won’t be a way for schools to meet the achievement criteria by meeting certain improvement goals, according to a presentation to the state Board of Education.

“This version is recalibrating that balance point and is going to say more about where the kids are in those schools right now,” said David Laird, assistant commissioner of assessment and accountability in the education department. “It is less of a referendum on maybe what the school’s impact has been, but it’s more clearly articulating their challenges right now.”

The department also announced that the grades will be released in mid-December, a month later than previously planned. State officials say they need more time to verify data going into the grades.

This is the first time the state will issue its letter grades since the 2016 law requiring them took effect. Previous attempts were called off because of testing glitches and the pandemic.

There are several other changes to the calculation.

The formula will factor in test scores for science and social studies, although not as much as for math and English language arts, which were the focus of the original model.

Gone is data related to chronic absenteeism. A new factor will be how well schools are helping their lowest-performing quartile of students to improve. For high schools, college and career readiness will be included, based on measures such as ACT scores, postsecondary credits, or industry credentials.

The debate about growth vs. proficiency was the biggest concern for school leaders who have been waiting and planning for grades for five years.

Focusing on proficiency likely will mean fewer A’s and generally worse grades than expected for many schools, especially those serving students from lower-income families in rural and urban communities.

Beyond the stigma of getting a D or an F, officials representing those schools eventually may face hearings before the state Board of Education or audits of their spending and academic programming.

Several board members worried that teachers could flee schools graded D or F, exacerbating the challenges faced by schools in high-poverty areas, where students face extra challenges before they even walk into a classroom.

“It’s a struggle for me to think about saying everyone should pull themselves up by their bootstraps, when some folks have a closet full of boots, and some have none,” said Darrell Cobbins, who represents Memphis on the board.

Many education advocates worried the state could return to an era when schools with many affluent students coasted to the top ratings, while doing little to show they were helping students improve. Meanwhile, schools in high-poverty areas will have little chance to earn an A or B, they told Chalkbeat.

“Measuring only absolute proficiency for 50% of a school’s grade will most certainly disadvantage our highest poverty schools,” said Erin O’Hara Block, a school board member for Metropolitan Nashville Public Schools, who served on the working group giving input to the state.

“I’m not sure what this system is supposed to motivate for schools, nor how it will truly inform parents on differences in what various schools can offer to their children,” she said.

Reynolds said the letter grades are a tool to provide families and school communities with information they can use to make decisions, not necessarily to incentivize schools to improve.

“We want to tell the truth about whether or not our kids are actually achieving,” she said.

But Gini Pupo-Walker, director of the Education Trust in Tennessee, is hopeful the grades will somehow be tied to extra resources to help struggling schools.

“We look forward to learning more about how the state plans to support schools that receive D’s and F’s,” she said, “and ensure schools are paying attention to the success of all students.”

Marta Aldrich is a senior correspondent and covers the statehouse for Chalkbeat Tennessee. Contact her at maldrich@chalkbeat.org.

Denver school board election 2023: Who’s running and what’s at stake in the District 1 race

2023-11-02T19:20:41+00:00

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Voters in southeast Denver face the choice of re-electing a school board member who has championed the teachers union’s causes, or replacing him with an educator who led a local charter school network for six years.

Scott Baldermann, 47, is the incumbent in the District 1 race, having been elected to the school board in 2019. His win was part of a historic “flip” of the board to candidates backed by the Denver teachers union. Baldermann is the father of two Denver Public Schools students and owns a small software company that makes a heart rate tracking app for group fitness classes.

Kimberlee Sia, 47, is challenging Baldermann for his seat. She also has two children in DPS and was most recently the head of the Colorado “I Have a Dream” Foundation, which runs after-school and summer programming in DPS. She has worked as a teacher and principal, and was the CEO of the KIPP Colorado Public Schools charter network from 2013 to 2019.

District 1 includes many of the city’s whitest and wealthiest neighborhoods. Only 25% of students in DPS are white, but district data shows that 48% of students in District 1 last year were white.

Three of the seven Denver school board seats are up for grabs Nov. 7. All of the current board members were backed by the teachers union, but they’ve split on whether police belong in schools and how much autonomy principals should have. They’ve also struggled at times to get along. The election won’t change the balance of power on the board, but new members will change the interpersonal dynamic and potentially the political one as well.

The school board hires and evaluates the superintendent, sets policy, and votes on controversial issues, such as whether to open new schools or close existing ones. The board voted this year to close three schools with low enrollment, a decision it will likely face again as the number of children living in Denver continues to decrease.

Where the candidates stand on school closures, police

Baldermann steers clear of interpersonal conflict and does not speak much in public board meetings. When he does, it’s often to read a statement he’s prepared about how he will vote. But he’s one of the board’s most active members when it comes to writing policy proposals.

“The good work is boring,” Baldermann said in an interview.

Sia and Baldermann vehemently disagree on a policy Baldermann co-authored to limit the autonomy of district-run innovation schools. Under state law, innovation schools can waive certain district policies, state laws, and parts of the teachers union contract.

The original version of the policy would have required innovation schools in DPS to follow the entire union contract and the state law that grants teachers Colorado’s version of tenure, among other changes. The board eventually passed a scaled-back version of the policy last year — and then backtracked even more. But innovation schools in DPS now have to abide by the state’s teacher tenure law and pay teachers according to the union contract salary schedule.

Baldermann said it’s among the things he’s most proud of. “I’m not against innovative practices,” he said, “but not at the expense of teachers’ statutory and collective bargaining rights.”

Sia, meanwhile, has said she disagrees so much that it’s one reason she decided to run against Baldermann. “Autonomy in innovation schools is critical,” she wrote in Chalkbeat’s candidate questionnaire.

Teachers at innovation schools must vote to approve their school’s waivers. While Baldermann described the board’s new policy as protecting teachers’ rights, Sia has said that limiting the waivers “actually diminishes the innovations that teachers themselves had voted on.”

If elected, Sia wrote in Chalkbeat’s questionnaire that she would “protect the autonomies of innovation schools” by ensuring board policies don’t contradict the schools’ waivers.

Baldermann also wrote a pair of proposals currently under consideration that would deal with declining enrollment in DPS by capping enrollment at some schools, adjusting attendance boundaries, and setting timelines and other rules for school closures. The proposals say DPS should inform communities about “the positive implications of proceeding and the negative implications of not proceeding” with merging under-enrolled schools.

Sia has acknowledged that school closures are likely inevitable. But she said she opposes capping school enrollment and frequently adjusting attendance boundaries for fear of frustrating families. She agrees that the board should follow a set process and timeline for closures, though she said the community should be more involved in the decisions.

Baldermann authored the policy to permanently return police officers known as school resource officers, or SROs, to DPS schools after a March shooting inside East High School. He’d voted in 2020 to remove SROs over concerns about the over-policing of Black students, but he said the increase in gun violence in and around schools this year changed his mind.

“This is about deterrence,” he said at a June meeting before the board voted 4-3 to bring back SROs. “If it stops one kid from bringing a loaded gun into a school, I think it’s worth it.”

Sia largely agrees with Baldermann on SROs. She has said she supports the board’s decision to bring SROs back this year. But she has also said she would have voted to remove them in 2020 due to over-policing concerns if there had been a plan in place for operating without them. That’s where the board and the district dropped the ball, she said.

SROs “should not have been removed in the first place without a clear plan in place to be able to support schools,” Sia said at a recent debate co-sponsored by Chalkbeat Colorado.

Who has endorsed them

Baldermann is endorsed by the teachers union, the Denver Classroom Teachers Association. The union also endorsed him during his first campaign in 2019, and President Rob Gould said in an interview that doing it again was an easy decision.

“The candidates that we’re supporting are the incumbents that are the ones getting the work done,” Gould said. “When we think about Scott, that’s been his focus.”

Sia is endorsed by Denver Mayor Mike Johnston and by Denver Families Action, the political arm of an organization called Denver Families for Public Schools, formed in 2021 with the backing of several local charter school networks.

Denver Families CEO Clarence Burton said his organization is backing candidates “with decades of experience working in our schools or in our communities.” He said that’s “what’s needed to repair the relationship between the community and school board going forward.”

Endorsements often come with money. An independent expenditure committee associated with Denver Families Action has been spending big in the last month on digital advertising and a flurry of mailers, including some attack ads. The committee also spent $250,000 on TV ads, which is unheard of in Denver school board races. Baldermann largely self-funded his 2019 campaign, and he had contributed $77,000 to his own campaign as of Oct. 31 this year.

In DPS politics — and especially in school board elections — the Denver teachers union is often on one side, and groups supportive of charter schools are on the other.

Charters are funded with public dollars but run by independent nonprofit boards, not by DPS. Supporters say charter schools’ autonomy allows them to be innovative. Critics say charters “privatize” public education and siphon students from traditional schools.

Of all the candidates running for school board this year, Baldermann and Sia have the starkest opposing views on charter schools and school choice, which allows students to apply to attend any school they want.

Baldermann has long been critical of charters and choice. His criticisms include that charter school teachers do not need to be licensed, that their independent boards can vote to close the schools — and have — with little advance notice to families, and that school choice creates competition that often results in schools spending money on marketing that he says should be used for the classroom.

“In my first term, nine charter schools closed,” Baldermann said at a recent debate. “It is too risky for us to continue down the path where we have alternate governance models that function more as businesses that close [schools] as if they are a business.”

Sia was head of the local chapter of the national KIPP school network, overseeing six schools in Denver, and was on the board of the Colorado League of Charter Schools from 2018 through June, including a yearlong stint as board chair. She is still a board member of a homegrown Denver charter school network called University Prep.

One of Sia’s children attends a charter school and the other attends a district-run school. She volunteers on parent committees at both schools. She has also noted that she was president of a teachers union in a small school district in California.

“I believe we should strengthen all our schools,” Sia said at a debate.

She emphasized “holding all of our schools to the same levels of accountability” and ensuring “that we are working with the teachers, families, students at those schools to figure out, ‘How can we collaborate and learn from each other?’”

For more about the candidates, read our profiles here:

Scott Baldermann

Kimberlee Sia

Watch the candidates debate here.

And read — in their own words — how they answered six questions about DPS here.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Proposed Colorado budget would fully fund K-12 schools for first time since Great Recession

2023-11-02T00:08:46+00:00

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Next year’s Colorado budget could mark the first time since the Great Recession that the state meets its constitutional obligations to fund K-12 schools.

Gov. Jared Polis released his proposed budget on Wednesday. It includes an additional $564.1 million for K-12 education and brings an end to what has been known as the budget stabilization factor, a mechanism that allows lawmakers to divert K-12 funding to other priorities.

Polis said the money would allow school districts to lower class size and pay teachers more. His budget also includes $42.7 million more for higher education institutions, financial aid, and student support.

Amendment 23 requires that K-12 funding increase every year by the rate of population growth plus inflation. But since 2009, through the budget stabilization factor, lawmakers have diverted over $10 billion that should go to K-12 schools. When they set this year’s budget, they promised to end the practice altogether next year.

Polis’ proposed budget sticks with that promise, though he warned that nothing is set in stone.

“It’s not a done deal in that sense because previous legislators can’t force the funding,” Polis said.

Polis is required to craft a budget proposal every year by Nov. 1. But the budget lawmakers adopt in March or April is actually written by the six legislators on the Joint Budget Committee.

Polis’ budget would bring total state spending to $43.5 billion and calls for new investments in housing, health care, renewable energy, and public safety in addition to education.

Polis’ 2024-25 fiscal year budget would increase K-12 funding to about $9.67 billion, or about 6% more than this year. The budget earmarks $705 more per student in funding, or an about 6.6% increase. Statewide, that would bring per pupil spending to $11,319.

The budget doesn’t factor in the effects of Proposition HH. If voters approve the complex property tax relief measure, school districts would have less money from local property taxes and the state would have to increase its own schools funding to make up the difference. However, there should be enough money in the state education fund, a sort of savings account, to cover that obligation.

If Proposition HH doesn’t pass, lawmakers could be debating property taxes again, with uncertain impacts.

The governor also wants $39.7 million more for college and university budgets and financial aid for students. Another $3 million would be used to support the college attendance of youth who have experienced homelessness.

Colleges and universities would also be allowed to increase tuition 2% for in-state and 6% for out-of-state students.

In previous years, college and university leaders have banded together to request more funding. Last year, higher education leaders said the governor’s budget didn’t include enough to cover inflationary increases, increased student services, and increased wages.

“Everybody always wants more money and institutions of higher education are no exception, but we’re confident that we can meet these goals,” Polis said.

Other K-12 and higher education highlights include:

$15 million to fully fund the state’s Charter School Mill Levy Equalization fund, bringing the total to $42 million. This money would provide state-authorized charter schools with similar funding to district-authorized charter schools, which benefit from additional local property taxes.
$8 million more focused on science, technology, engineering, and math grants to fund after-school enrichment and programming.
$4.3 million for universal preschool. About $3.3 million go to better the state’s technology systems after a rocky rollout. Another $1 million would go toward improving quality among providers.
$7.8 million to boost work-based learning in K-12 schools, $5 million to address statewide veterinary shortages, and $3.1 million for educational talent mentorship programs to help support teachers.
$2 million in grant funding and $30 million in tax credits to expand apprenticeship programs. Polis also wants $2 million and $30 million in tax credits to support Opportunity Now grants, or a program that helps develop public-private partnerships focused on workforce development.

For the last several years, Republicans have pushed for more school funding and accused the Democrats who control the legislature of expanding other government programs at the expense of schools. Democrats have said they want to increase school funding responsibly and sustainably — and the state only now has the resources to meet its constitutional obligations.

In a press release in response to Polis’ budget, Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican, referred back to that history.

“After years of Republican demands that we fully fund students — instead of growing state government, we are glad to see Governor Polis chose to follow our leadership and prioritize funding for students and teachers,” Lundeen said. “It is critically important that the budget proposal acknowledges that charter school students are public school students and deserve equal funding support.”

Polis’ budget was met with praise by the Colorado Education Association.

In a news release, the association, which represents nearly 40,000 educators, said the governor’s budget underscores the attentiveness to their concerns and an unwavering commitment to strengthening public education.

“We are ready to move into our fully funded era,” said Amie Baca-Oehlert, a high school counselor and president of the association. “We applaud Governor Polis for taking swift action to address the long-standing funding challenges faced by Colorado’s public schools.”

Polis will need to update his budget in January. That budget will then head to the Joint Budget Committee, which will craft a budget that will be voted on by the House and Senate. During that time, House and Senate members can propose amendments that will then be considered by the budget committee before the final budget is approved.

Advocates demanded $1.25 billion to make NYC schools more accessible. They got $800 million.

2023-11-01T22:14:41+00:00

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New York City plans to spend $800 million over the next five years to boost school building accessibility for people with physical disabilities, officials revealed Wednesday. That figure is far short of what advocates had demanded.

Fewer than 1 in 3 of the city’s public schools are fully accessible to students and staff with mobility impairments, according to a recent report from the group Advocates for Children. The organization previously called on the city to dramatically ramp up spending to $1.25 billion to ensure that at least half of buildings would become fully accessible over the term of the new capital plan, which runs from 2025 through 2029.

With many budget concerns on the horizon — including the expiration of billions of dollars in federal relief money and additional cuts to city agencies ordered by Mayor Eric Adams — accessibility funding hewed closely to current levels.

The capital plan will increase funding for accessibility from $750 million under the current five-year plan, which runs from 2020 through 2024, to $800 million in the new one, according to documents released Wednesday. Advocates contend that is not enough to keep the current pace because of inflation and rising construction costs.

“Given the decades of inadequate attention that preceded this investment, nearly two-thirds of City schools will still not be fully accessible by the time the construction funded by the current Capital Plan is complete,” Kim Sweet, executive director of Advocates for Children, said in a statement. “It is not acceptable to postpone compliance with [the federal Americans with Disabilities Act] for yet another generation.”

Lack of access to school buildings has long been a barrier for students with physical disabilities and has even drawn the attention of federal prosecutors. In past years, some children had few — or even zero — nearby school options. It can also limit students’ ability to take advantage of New York City’s extensive choice system, which allows children to apply for schools outside their neighborhood boundaries.

Queens mom Michelle Noris said she was disappointed when her son, who uses a wheelchair, could not attend the public elementary school across the street from their home. Instead, he wound up at a private school, with tuition covered by the city, about an hour away.

“I really wish he had friends down the block like all the other kids,” said Noris, who works as an engineer. Though her son is now in college — and has written about his experience navigating the city’s high school admissions process in a wheelchair — she remains an advocate for more accessible schools.

Although “there is an improvement” in terms of building upgrades, she said the school across the street from their home is still not fully accessible. At the current pace, it would take decades to make every school accessible. “They need to allocate more money to do more good work,” Noris said.

Officials have made some progress in recent years in part due to pressure from advocacy groups who have pushed for more funding — and attention — to the issue. By the end of the current capital plan, 1 in 3 schools are expected to be fully accessible, up from 1 in 5 five years ago. (The figures do not include certain alternative schools, prekindergarten programs, or charter schools. Nor do they include satellite campuses, as schools may have more than one location.)

The city has also boosted the number of schools that are considered “partially accessible” and worked to provide more granular information about which facilities on those campuses are accessible to students with mobility impairments.

Representatives of the city’s Education Department and School Construction Authority did not say what percentage of schools they plan to make fully accessible under the new capital plan.

“Building on prior plans, we will continue to enhance accessibility in our school buildings through a variety of measures, such as bathroom renovations, lifts, and ramps,” Kevin Ortiz, a spokesperson for the School Construction Authority, wrote in a statement. “We remain committed to improving access throughout the system.”

Alex Zimmerman is a reporter for Chalkbeat New York, covering NYC public schools. Contact Alex at azimmerman@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois becomes magnet for transgender students seeking protections in school, health care

2023-08-29T15:13:41+00:00

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Back in the spring, Kimberly Reynolds stared at a map of the U.S. Each state was filled in with a color gradient: red for those with the strictest active anti-transgender laws, bright blue for those with the most protections for trans people.

Her state, Florida, was awash in a sea of red. The closest state in blue? Illinois.

Reynolds took a breath. And some time to panic.

She had started researching a new place to live after legislators in Florida introduced a slew of anti-trans bills, many targeting transgender youth — including her 11-year-old son.

“Something inside me just broke,” she said. “I’ve dealt with a lot of policies in Florida that are not okay. But now they’re coming after my child. So that’s why we’re done. We’re getting out, one way or another.”

Reynolds asked her son: How do you feel about moving?

“I was like, ‘Yeah, let’s move. Let’s get out of this place. Let’s get out of this climate,’” Joseph Reynolds recalled thinking. “‘Let’s get out of this house. Get away from these people.’”

After Florida’s Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis signed several of the anti-trans bills into law in May, Reynolds again checked the map. This time, her state had a new, special designation, marked in black stripes:

Do Not Travel.

Three months later, the new school year has started, and the Reynolds family remains stuck in Florida. The laws are already deeply impacting her child, Reynolds said. She’s hoping to get her family to Illinois as soon as she can.

Florida is not the only state that has passed or is considering anti-trans legislation. This year, according to a Chalkbeat analysis of data from the American Civil Liberties Union, at least 14 states passed laws regulating bathroom access, sports participation, or pronoun and name changes specifically in K-12 schools. Additionally, at least 18 states passed laws restricting gender-affirming health care, primarily — though not exclusively — for minors.

For many families looking to protect their trans children in school and to preserve control over their medical decisions, moving seems like the only option — and Illinois a safe landing spot.

Bills impact school policies, sense of safety for trans students

Illinois is a sharp contrast to many states across the nation, where anti-trans policies are playing out in schools. Here, state law protects students from discrimination on the basis of their gender identities. Students must be permitted access to bathrooms, locker rooms, and sports teams aligning with their identities, according to state guidance.

Changes to education policy are a big part of why the Reynolds want to move.

Florida’s board of education prohibits public schools from teaching students about sexual orientation or gender identity. School staff are also not allowed to ask students for their pronouns — or be required to use them — under state law. Another law forces K-12 schools and postsecondary institutions to discipline students who use a restroom that doesn’t align with their assigned sex at birth.

Such laws threaten to disrupt the lives of thousands of young people in Florida — and across the country. About 1.4% of the U.S. population between 13 and 17 identify as trans, according to the Williams Institute’s 2022 estimates, which are based on analysis of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention youth surveys.

Even before the laws were passed, Joseph had run into discrimination at school. One time, he said, a kid in his class made a cross and screamed “die” while shoving it into his face. Still, he said his elementary school had largely been accepting, and he had a strong circle of friends.

But as Joseph watched the Florida laws come into effect over the summer, he said the idea of starting school there became more and more scary. Ahead of his first day of middle school this month, he had one word for how he was feeling: “horrible.”

At school, he introduced himself as Joseph to his classmates. He said they’ve mostly been respectful. But teachers have been calling him by his legal name, which he no longer uses, and using she/her pronouns to refer to him.

Under Florida law, teachers must use a child’s legal name unless a parent gives consent. After talking to multiple employees at her son’s school just to get a consent form, Kimberly Reynolds said, she’s not convinced that teachers will follow it.

Ultimately, she just wishes her son could have the chance to be a kid.

“He shouldn’t have to even know that there’s so many people against him and out to get him,” she said.

But Reynolds said it feels like there’s not much she can do right now. The timeline for their move is up in the air, since it’s been a struggle to get enough money to leave Florida. A few days after the laws were signed, she set up a GoFundMe to help with moving costs, but donations have slowed down. And Reynolds is concerned about having to leave most of her family behind in Florida, especially because she recently had a new baby.

Though her original plans have been delayed — and these challenges loom — she said she’s still prepared to move as soon as possible. They’ve even already started packing.

As for Joseph? “I just hope that it will be a lot more calm and peaceful than my life here.”

The Reynolds are hoping that the more accepting place could be Carbondale, a town in southern Illinois with a strong LGBTQ+ community, and where residents recently elected the first transgender person to a city council in Illinois.

In the center of town, a rainbow awning hangs above the doors of Carbondale’s LGBTQ+ community center, Rainbow Café. The executive director of the café, Carrie Vine, said that when anti-trans legislation began to increase across the country, a group of advocates got together and decided they should get the word out: Come to Carbondale.

They set up “Rainbow Refuge,” mainly run through a local group, the Carbondale Assembly for Radical Equity. People reach out over social media, and advocates direct them to accepting areas and schools, including Carbondale.

Vine has previously worked to help people in bordering states access abortion care. But she said supporting trans people through moving involves more long-term support.

“They’re not just coming here for one service and going home,” she said. “You’re talking about lifelong support — bloodwork, labs, doctor’s visits. So we decided we needed to make something that would be more sustainable.”

When families make that move, Vine said, it’s important to get them to a safe place for trans people. Though Illinois has statewide legal protections, she said, not everywhere is accepting.

Despite protections, not everywhere in Illinois feels safe

Jay Smith, a trans man living in a small town in rural Illinois, knows that struggle. For him, being openly trans isn’t a safe option.

Shortly after he finished his undergraduate degree, he got a job where his co-workers were openly discriminatory, using anti-LGBTQ+ slurs. To avoid harassment, he decided to keep his trans identity quiet and allow people to perceive him as a cisgender man. Smith is using a pseudonym for his safety in this story.

“I can’t really just exist a lot of the time,” Smith said. “At the same time, it’s nice to not have people policing me.”

Smith is only out to particular people that he’s close with, such as his girlfriend and friends from high school. He used to live in Chicago, where he was openly trans and connected with a LGBTQ+ community. Now, he said, he sometimes feels isolated.

Smith is becoming increasingly anxious about what might happen if he were to be outed — and he and his girlfriend are thinking about moving towns within Illinois or even leaving the country.

He’s not alone. Over half of trans and non-binary adults said they’d move — or already have moved — from a state with a gender-affirming medical care ban, according to a Human Rights Campaign survey.

As an adult, Smith can make that choice on his own. But he said he’s concerned about youth, who must rely on their parents to leave.

For him, he said, school acted as a place of escape against a lack of support he faced at home.

He attended Chicago Public Schools, where current district guidelines state that staff should use the names and pronouns that align with students’ identities. Students can request a support plan between administration and trusted adults — which doesn’t necessarily have to include parents.

That’s a divergence from bills that could “out” students as trans to their parents.

Smith graduated from CPS in 2017. When he came out as trans in high school, he said he simply emailed his teachers about his pronoun change. For the most part, he said, his school gave him a reprieve.

“It was nice to have that space from home, and know: My parents may not be able to treat me this way, but when I get here, I have that respect, that space, and that support that I just can’t get from home,” Smith said.

But Smith is scared for the kids who don’t have the same opportunity to escape transphobia, whether in school or out of school.

Families seek states that protect access to gender-affirming care

Packing up and leaving isn’t realistic for everyone. For many families, the options are limited to wherever is closest.

That’s the case for Carly West, who lives in St. Louis, Missouri. She is trying to move right across the border to Illinois, she said, in order to protect her trans child, Lisa.

“Sometimes I think that I’m overreacting, because it’s not like they’re banging down the door and pulling her out of my arms,” West said of the anti-trans push in Missouri. “But the reality is that she does need to be safe, and it’s not safe here.”

So much could change for Lisa with a short drive across state lines, West said.

In Illinois, Gov. J.B. Pritzker has spoken out in support of trans children and established a task force to create more inclusive school policy. In Missouri, the governor has signed bills to ban gender-affirming health care for minors and prohibit trans girls from playing on women’s sports teams.

When Lisa heard about the laws, she said she thought to herself: Why? I’m not hurting anybody.

Lisa came out at 6 years old. Now 11 and attending middle school, West uses she/her and they/them pronouns, alternating back and forth between the two. They wear rainbow glasses and like watching dessert decorating videos.

After moving, West said, the family plans to keep Lisa enrolled in the same school district, since Lisa spends half their time with their mom and the other half with their dad, who is staying in Missouri. But if school policies change, Carly West said Lisa may transfer.

The biggest threat right now is to Lisa’s gender-affirming medical care. For young people, such medical care might include puberty blockers — which can delay puberty-related changes such as facial hair growth — or hormone replacement therapy.

A transgender teen holds a bottle of testosterone, which is used for hormone replacement therapy that can align people’s bodies with their sense of gender.

In Missouri, minors who were prescribed puberty blockers or hormones before Aug. 28 will be allowed to continue treatment, but health care providers cannot prescribe treatments to new patients.

Opponents of gender-affirming care say children are too young to make transition decisions and claim medical interventions are not safe. But more than a dozen top medical associations, including the American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics, support gender-affirming care as evidence-based and medically appropriate and have opposed laws restricting such care.

At least 33 states have proposed bills to limit gender-affirming care, according to a Chalkbeat data analysis of the ACLU’s 2023 anti-LGBTQ bills tracker. About a fifth of bills considered during the 2023 session would restrict gender-affirming medical care for adults, according to a Reuters analysis that identified additional bills not captured in the ACLU tracker. But most policies would specifically restrict children’s medical care.

In Illinois, state law protects health care providers and patients from being targeted by states that have banned gender-affirming care.

Before the cutoff date in Missouri, Lisa had a consultation to start gender-affirming care.

“I’m feeling great about it,” Lisa said, at the time. “It’s making me feel more like who I am.”

Then the ban went into effect Monday — and Lisa wasn’t able to be prescribed treatment.

Trans students carve out space in new Illinois towns, schools

On Feb. 28, the Nightengale family sat around the dining table in their Iowa home, making pins that read: “We say gay” and “Protect queer youth.” They stayed up late that night, preparing for a school walkout in protest of pending anti-trans laws in their state.

Shigeru Nightengale, 15, pinned the new additions to a vest, not too far from a demiboy pin. Shigeru mostly likes using it/its pronouns — sometimes he/him — because it feels void of gender but male-adjacent. Shigeru’s parent, Sami Nightengale, has a matching pin, for their own identity: genderqueer.

Shigeru Nightengale has covered its vest in pins, including ones protesting anti-trans legislation in Iowa. Shigeru passed out extra pins during the day of a March 1 walkout in Iowa.

The next day, approximately 50 students walked out of Shigeru’s high school as part of a statewide protest against anti-trans legislation. Across the state, 27 schools participated in the March 1 walkout, the Quad-City Times reported.

But a bill banning gender-affirming medical care for minors passed the Iowa legislature and headed to the governor’s desk by March 8 — the day before Shigeru was due to receive its first testosterone shot.

Shigeru had been going to a clinic in Iowa City for over a year. Sami Nightengale first remembers Shigeru expressing thoughts about gender as a young child.

“When he was 7, he started to talk a lot about not feeling right in his own body and it would be better if he was just dead. As a parent, that’s not something you want to hear from a little kid,” they said. “Then we went through this whole process, seeing family doctors and therapists and psychologists and finally he figured out what was going on.”

All those appointments led up to the moment of Shigeru getting on hormones. But as the Nightengales made the trip to Iowa City, they had no idea whether the governor would sign the bill into law before Shigeru could get the shot.

“I was so scared that I was going to just touch it and then have it completely taken away,” Shigeru said.

That day, Shigeru got its first T shot, and doctors taught the Nightengales how to administer subsequent doses at home, a standard practice for hormone replacement therapy. What was not so standard: With the legislation on the governor’s desk, Shigeru didn’t know whether future hormone prescriptions would be possible.

The next day, the Nightengales started searching for new clinics in different states. But some places didn’t have availability, and others didn’t know whether they could take on Iowa patients.

Iowa’s governor officially signed the gender-affirming care ban into law on March 22, less than two weeks after Shigeru’s first shot.

“There was just too much going on — the terror of, ‘Oh, God. All of these people hate us, because we are a queer family,’ and also the joy of having my T,” Shigeru said. “It was all so much that I went kind of numb.”

When politicians first started discussing anti-trans legislation, the Nightengale family had loosely talked about moving. But they thought they’d have more time — to save money, to pay off debt, to search for the best home.

Over the course of March, the window to wait seemed to close more and more.

In early April, the family found an Illinois clinic that would take Shigeru. And against the odds, Sami Nightengale said, they were able to move before the start of the school year.

Shigeru Nightengale, 15, at his Illinois home.

A badge with they/them pronouns

Shigeru Nightengale, 15, and its mom, Sami. Shigeru uses it/its pronouns and Sami uses they/them pronouns. A portrait for a specific story — don’t repeat unless we are covering the same family.

A school speed limit sign

Shigeru Nightengale, 15, at his Illinois home.

Now that Shigeru has settled in — and has reliable care — it said it can’t describe the joy it feels.

“It has been a struggle with ups and downs,” Shigeru said. “But I have been way happier than I have been pretty much my entire life.”

Having been on testosterone for a few months, Shigeru said this is its first time going into school “mostly sorted out.” Shigeru had previously come out as trans at school in Iowa, but felt people didn’t take it seriously because it still looked feminine.

So far, Shigeru said it has run into some discrimination at school, but that students and teachers have been fairly accepting. Looking ahead, Shigeru is staying hopeful — and carving out a space in Illinois.

Shigeru Nightengale’s desk is cluttered with its collections — including a bunch of rocks. Shigeru often picks up new stones to add to the pile.

On Shigeru’s bedroom desk are signposts of a new life: its first bottle of testosterone. A scattered rock collection. And, on top of one stone, a Band-Aid — narwhal-themed — from an appointment at the Illinois clinic.

Little things marking a big move.

Max Lubbers is a reporting intern for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Max at mlubbers@chalkbeat.org.

Kae Petrin is a data and graphics reporter for Chalkbeat. Contact Kae at kpetrin@chalkbeat.org.

Thomas Wilburn is the senior data editor for Chalkbeat. Contact Thomas at twilburn@chalkbeat.org.

Denver school board election 2023: Who’s running and what’s at stake in the District 5 race

2023-11-01T19:09:00+00:00

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All three candidates vying to represent northwest Denver’s District 5 on the school board are or were Denver Public Schools parents. But their life experiences, careers, and community ties set them apart, as do their stances on topics such as police in schools and school autonomy.

Charmaine Lindsay, 57, is the incumbent in the race, having been appointed to the seat in June 2022 to fill a vacancy. Her son and stepchildren graduated from DPS, and her grandchildren are current DPS students, including two grandsons who live with her. Lindsay is a family law attorney who works out of her home and represents many clients for free.

Marlene De La Rosa, 59, is one of two challengers for the seat — and the one with the most endorsements and funding. De La Rosa’s children are DPS graduates and she was a very involved volunteer, both at the school and district level, when they were growing up. She’s also a prominent Latina community advocate, and recently retired from a career as an immigration court specialist with the U.S. Department of Justice.

Adam Slutzker, 39, is the father of three kids who are in fourth grade, first grade, and preschool at Columbian Elementary, a district-run school in the Sunnyside neighborhood. Slutzker worked as an elementary school teacher in neighboring Jeffco Public Schools before his oldest child was born. He now works part-time as a real estate agent, contractor, and carpenter.

The winner would represent northwest Denver, a historically Latino part of the city that has seen significant gentrification and demographic change.

Three of the seven Denver school board seats are up for grabs Nov. 7. The current board members were backed by the teachers union, but they’ve split on whether police belong in schools and how much autonomy principals should have. They’ve also struggled at times to get along. The election won’t change the balance of power on the board, but new members will change the interpersonal dynamic and potentially the political one as well.

Where the candidates stand on academics, school closures

DPS student test scores fell during the pandemic, but are now rebounding. However, yawning gaps remain between the test scores of white students and those of Black and Latino students.

All three candidates agree that DPS needs to better serve the Black and Latino students who make up the majority in the district. But they have different takes on how to approach it.

Both Lindsay and Slutzker have said DPS relies too much on standardized test scores to tell whether students are at grade level and should consider other measures. Slutzker has suggested asking parents and school staff how students are doing, while Lindsay has said students’ grades in class should be considered.

“If a college student’s achievement is measured by a passing grade in a class, then why shouldn’t the same be true for primary students?” she wrote in Chalkbeat’s questionnaire.

De La Rosa, meanwhile, has said the board should set high academic goals — as high as 90% of students in kindergarten through third grade scoring at grade level on tests — and then direct the superintendent to reach them. Last spring, 58% of DPS students in kindergarten through third grade were reading at grade level, according to tests given per the state’s READ Act.

“We really, really need to focus on early literacy for all of our students,” De La Rosa said at a debate.

Declining enrollment is a big issue in northwest Denver. Higher housing prices have pushed many families out of the city, and there is far more capacity in the region’s schools than there are children to fill the seats.

Lindsay voted in favor this year of closing three small schools, including Fairview Elementary in District 5. She wrote in a Chalkbeat questionnaire that “low enrollment should not be the major criteria in closing any schools,” but she has also defended her Fairview vote by saying there would not have been enough students to open a kindergarten classroom there this fall.

De La Rosa has criticized Lindsay’s vote on Fairview. At a recent debate, she said DPS did not spend enough time in that community talking to families, many of whom live in subsidized housing, about the enrollment projections and preparing them for the transition.

“That affected one of our most disadvantaged populations in our city, and I think that they suffered very tremendously in that decision,” De La Rosa said.

De La Rosa acknowledges some schools may need to close, but she said at a debate that DPS needs “to look at making sure we are working with the communities that would be affected with a sufficient amount of time — at least one school year.” The board voted in March to close Fairview in June and send the students to nearby Cheltenham Elementary this fall.

The school Slutzker’s children attend, Columbian Elementary, was also on the school closure list before Superintendent Alex Marrero pared down the list from 10 schools to three following pushback from the board and community members. The near-closure is what motivated Slutzker to run for school board, he said.

Slutzker said he too felt the recent process was unfair, but he realizes some closures may be necessary.

“I believe we need to look at each situation under a microscope to determine the best path forward,” he wrote in Chalkbeat’s questionnaire. “Closing a school strictly based on low enrollment should not be on the table, but there will be times when schools may have to close due to financial realities.”

Denver schools are funded per student.

Where the candidates stand on school safety

As a board member, Lindsay participated in a closed-door meeting where the board decided to bring back school resource officers, or SROs, the day after a March shooting at East High School. A judge later ruled the meeting violated the open meetings act and ordered the recording of the meeting released after Chalkbeat and other media organizations sued.

Lindsay said at a recent candidate debate that she “led the charge in bringing back” the SROs. Another board member, Scott Baldermann, drafted a memo after the shooting to temporarily bring back SROs, but it is true that Lindsay advocated for their return.

The recording of the meeting, released by the board months later, shows Lindsay didn’t get bogged down in wonky procedural debates or interpersonal spats like other board members did. Typical of her approach on the board, she didn’t speak much. But when she did, it was to argue for the return of SROs.

“How many instances [are there] where some kid is being bullied or threatened by another kid or somebody has a gun and they go tell an SRO officer because they trust this person?” she said during the closed-door meeting.

However, Lindsay has also been criticized for how talked about the need for police in schools, including when she said SROs were needed to stop “minority kids who are likely to carry guns.”

Lindsay voted a few months later to make SROs permanent, but she has noted that officers are stationed at only 13 of the district’s 200 schools, the city is paying for them, and DPS is monitoring to make sure students aren’t getting ticketed or arrested for low-level offenses like marijuana possession.

De La Rosa said she agrees with the decision to bring back SROs. But she has emphasized the need for monitoring to ensure officers aren’t over-policing students of color, as happened in the past, and the need for DPS to provide robust mental health support to students.

De La Rosa has also criticized Lindsay for taking part in that closed-door meeting, writing in a Chalkbeat questionnaire that the board’s “decision to hold a critical safety meeting behind the veil of Executive Session” was “simply wrong” and led to “less trust in our schools.”

Slutzker is the only candidate who disagrees with the SRO decision. But he said that as long as the city is paying for the officers, and DPS is monitoring to make sure SROs are not getting involved in routine student discipline, he’s willing to give them a chance.

“I don’t personally believe that SROs make our schools a safer place,” Slutzker said at a recent debate. “The unfortunate reality is if somebody wants to harm our children in our schools in America, they are going to be able to harm our children in our schools.”

Who has endorsed them

In DPS politics — and especially in school board elections — the Denver teachers union is often on one side, and groups supportive of charter schools are on the other.

Lindsay is endorsed by the teachers union, the Denver Classroom Teachers Association.

De La Rosa is endorsed by Denver Mayor Mike Johnston and by Denver Families Action, the political arm of an organization called Denver Families for Public Schools, formed in 2021 with the backing of several local charter school networks.

Slutzker has not received any major endorsements.

For many years, the Denver school board encouraged new charters to open in DPS, hopeful it would boost academic achievement. Union-backed board members took power in 2019 and stopped that trajectory by rejecting new charters and even closing one for low performance. Meanwhile, declining enrollment has led many charters to close voluntarily.

De La Rosa has said she’d like the board to go in a different direction. She said she believes in giving schools autonomy — which for charter schools and district-run innovation schools means, to varying degrees, freedom from certain state laws, district rules, and teachers union contract provisions — “to help students catch up academically” after the pandemic.

She’s also vigorously defended school choice, which is enshrined in state law and allows students to apply to attend any school they want. “It is important that we do have a portfolio of schools,” De La Rosa said at a recent debate. “Not every school meets every family’s needs. Myself, I did exercise choice in choosing different high schools where my students attended.”

Slutzker has been most critical of school choice and charter schools. He has said that choice, especially as used by wealthier white families, exacerbates racial segregation in schools, and charter schools contribute to declining enrollment in traditional district-run schools.

Lindsay has also offered some criticism of charter schools, but it has been more muted. She said in Chalkbeat’s questionnaire that the board “has an obligation to support our neighborhood schools and make sure they have the resources to meet the needs of students.” Neighborhood schools is how the union and others refer to traditional district-run schools.

At a debate, Lindsay also advocated for lowering the class sizes in district-run schools “to try to make the neighborhood schools more attractive and more competitive.”

For more about the candidates, read our profiles here:

Marlene De La Rosa

Charmaine Lindsay

Adam Slutzker

Watch the candidates debate here.

And read — in their own words — how they answered six questions about DPS here.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Illinois lawmakers release third draft map for Chicago elected school board

2023-11-01T22:00:04+00:00

As trick-or-treating got underway Tuesday night, Illinois lawmakers released a new draft map for Chicago’s soon-to-be-elected Board of Education.

It’s their third attempt at drawing districts future school board members will represent.

The new map has seven majority Black districts, six where Latinos make up 50% or more of the population, and five where the population is 50% or more white. Two districts — one representing Rogers Park on the North Side and the other representing Portage Park and Old Irving Park on the North West side — are plurality white, with Latinos making up the second-largest population.

Chicago’s Board of Education holds significant power over public schools. School board members approve the district’s annual multi-billion dollar budget, determine how schools are measured and held accountable, authorize contracts with third parties to bus students to and from school, clean classrooms and hallways, and even operate entire schools under charter agreements.

The board has been appointed by the mayor since 1995, when the state legislature gave control of Chicago Public Schools to then-Mayor Richard M. Daley. After former Mayor Rahm Emanuel closed 50 public schools in 2013, community organizations and the Chicago Teachers Union began fighting for an elected school board.

Valerie Leonard, with the Illinois African Americans for Equitable Redistricting, said under mayoral control, school board members were perceived to be not connected to the community.

“People felt — and I was one of them — like they were out of touch with what the community wanted, and they were only responsive to what the mayor wanted,” Leonard said. “It matters to have someone [on the school board] from your community who understands what people in your community are experiencing.”

After many years of advocacy and lobbying, Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker signed a law in 2021 to create a 21-member elected school board with phased-in elections.

Under state law, Chicagoans will elect 10 school board members from 10 districts in November 2024. The mayor will appoint 10 members from those same districts, and will also appoint a school board president. A 21-member hybrid board will be sworn in January 2025.

Then in November 2026, the 10 appointed members and school board president will be up for election, while the 10 elected in 2024 will continue serving their four-year terms. Going forward, all members will serve four-year terms and elections will be staggered, with half of the seats up for election every two years.

However, the law does not spell out how the map will move from 10 to 20 districts. Lawmakers continue to draw a map with 20 districts and have not made clear how they plan to divide the city into 10 districts for the 2024 election.

Sen. Robert Martwick, a Democrat representing the North West side of Chicago and west suburbs, said that figuring out how to create 10 districts for the 2024 elections and 20 districts for the 2026 elections has been difficult for legislators.

“The original idea was that we would draw ten districts and then after the election we would split them into 20 districts,” Martwick said. “Another variation on that would be to draw 20 districts and combine them for the purposes of the first election. The idea there was that everyone in the city of Chicago would get to pass a vote on this new elected school board.”

State Rep. Ann Williams, who represents parts of the city’s North Side and chairs a special task force of House Democrats working on drawing school board districts, said the transition from 10 districts to 20 is “still under discussion,” but the goal is to vote on a map during next week’s veto session.

“At some point we have to get a map so that people can start looking at the districts and prepare to run for office,” Williams said.

“No map is ever going to be perfect. No map is ever going to make every single person happy,” she added. “But we really truly felt like this is the product that most incorporated the feedback that we got from the communities during all those hearings.”

Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson has been a longtime supporter of an elected school board. But when asked through a spokesperson Wednesday if he supported the latest draft or would weigh in on how school board districts are drawn, the spokesperson wrote back: No comment.

Lawmakers were supposed to draw a map of Chicago school board districts by July 1, 2023, but extended the deadline to April 1, 2024 after pushback from the public for not drawing districts that would be reflective of student enrollment.

That’s a difficult task in a city whose population does not mirror the public school enrollment. Chicago’s population is 33% white, 29% Latino, 29% Black, and 7% Asian, but the school district’s student population is 47% Latino, 36% Black, 11% white, and 4% Asian American.

School board seats are non-partisan so there will be no primary. According to the Chicago Board of Elections calendar, the first day candidates running for nonpartisan school board seats can circulate nominating petitions is March 26, 2024. They must collect 250 signatures from voters in their districts by June 24, 2024, in order to be on the ballot.

Last week, Martwick and state Rep. Kam Buckner, a Democrat, put forward a proposal that would also allow school board members to be compensated.

Mixed reactions to new draft map roll in

Legislators held two public hearings last month to gather additional feedback on their proposed school board districts. On Wednesday, several of the groups who have repeatedly testified and submitted public comment on previous maps reacted to the latest iteration.

Kids First Chicago, a nonprofit education advocacy organization that supports Black and Latino families and has an Elected School Board Task Force, called the latest proposal “more trick than treat.” The group took lawmakers to task for dropping a new draft map on Halloween when “most Chicago families were out celebrating with their children.”

Hal Woods, director of policy for Kids First Chicago, said the map continues to give white Chicagoans “substantial voting power” over a school district that serves just over 10% white students. He said parents see “more work that could be done.”

“Even with redlining, even with segregation, even with discriminatory housing policies that have forced many Chicago neighborhoods to be segregated … we have put forward prototypes that even with those historical inequities still adhere to all relevant election law,” Woods said.

A group of parents and data advocates called The FOIA Bakery released an analysis of the third draft map that looks at the proposed districts through the lens of the 2023 municipal election results. They say only seven districts in the new draft map would have elected a “minority-preferred candidate.”

But others say the new draft districts are much better than previous versions.

Jeff Fielder, executive director of the Chicago Republican Party, previously raised concerns about gerrymandering and argued for an independent commission to draw the maps. He said the third draft is better than the previous two because it has less gerrymandering.

“I’m sure there’s going to be lawsuits as it is but of their efforts, this is probably the best one,” Fielder said.

Cassie Creswell, executive director of Illinois Families for Public Schools, said she’s mostly concerned about not having a map solidified yet.

“The shorter the time between a final map and next year’s election, the worse it is for genuinely grassroots candidates who are trying to decide whether or not to run and then mustering the resources to do so,” Creswell said.

Political consultant Eli Brottman said the new map is “1,000 times better” and called six solid Latino districts a “huge win for our schools and our kids.” He said it took him multiple attempts to draw a map that would have six Latino majority districts.

Brottman said he suspects the lawmakers’ latest draft map has a “significant chance” of passing next week. Whenever that happens, he encourages people to get up to speed on what district they live in and who is running.

“Whoever we elect in these first couple rounds, helps to set a precedent for the future,” Brottman said.

Leonard, whose group Illinois African Americans for Equitable Redistricting put out a 10-district map that tries to align school board districts with City Council wards, said lawmakers are getting closer with this latest iteration. But they need to figure out how their 20 districts become 10 for the 2024 elections, she said.

Corrina Demma, an organizer with Educators for Excellence Chicago that supports the map Leonard’s group proposed, raised concerns that lawmakers could propose residents in only 10 of the 20 districts would vote in 2024, meaning “only half of Chicago will have the privilege to vote … while the other half will lack a voice.”

“We need Illinois lawmakers to get the maps right, for the sake of the 323,000 students that are depending on it,” Demma said.

Samantha Smylie contributed reporting.

Becky Vevea is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Chicago. Contact Becky at bvevea@chalkbeat.org.

Philadelphia voter guide 2023: Where the mayoral candidates stand on education issues

2023-11-01T14:39:24+00:00

Philadelphia’s next mayor — the city’s 100th — will be in a historic position with the ability to fundamentally change the way schools are run and governed.

In addition to shaping the city’s conversation about school safety, infrastructure, funding, and more, the mayor has the power to appoint the city Board of Education’s nine members. Those members have the responsibility of appointing and evaluating the superintendent, and monitoring the district’s efforts towards improving educational outcomes for all students under their care.

Democrat Cherelle Parker and Republican David Oh are vying for the seat, and each has put forward distinct platform proposals for education.

Parker is promising year-round school, which she said she envisions not as “children sitting in a classroom at a desk” for 12 months, but something more flexible, with extracurricular and enrichment opportunities available to students all year.

Oh, meanwhile, wants a partially elected school board and a more “horizontal” leadership model with power shared between the superintendent and other chief executives.

The general election is Tuesday, Nov. 7, and the last day to vote early in person is Tuesday, Oct. 31.

Chalkbeat sat down with both candidates and discussed issues affecting Philadelphia’s students, educators, and families at length. You can find Cherelle Parker’s detailed Q&A here, and David Oh’s detailed Q&A here.

Below is a selection of their responses to some of the biggest education questions facing the city. Their answers have been edited for length and clarity.

Jump to a topic:

Charter schools |
School safety |
Infrastructure |
School board |
Teacher shortage

Do you want more charter schools in Philadelphia?

Parker: I want quality, modern 21st education for all of our children [regardless of] their race, class, socioeconomic status, or zip code.

Under a Parker administration, I will not allow anyone to pit traditional publics versus traditional charters to act as if those two are warring factions. They are not. They are two types of schools that are both public that educate children in the school district of Philadelphia

Oh: No, I don’t. I’m not for or against the charter schools … I’m for good public schools. But we’ve had horrible public schools and no response. And therefore there were charter schools.

I think we have enough charter schools.

What would you do about school safety?

Parker: We have to make public health and public safety the number one priority here in the city of Philadelphia, and we should do it with three primary buckets in mind, prevention, intervention and enforcement.

We are going to have community policing in every neighborhood in the city of Philadelphia. The only time we see law enforcement won’t be because it’s a crisis and someone called 911. They will be a part of the very fabric of our neighborhoods, and that, of course, does mean in and around our schools and buildings.

Oh: [Students] have every legitimate reason why they cannot focus and why they are afraid. They’ve been traumatized by all this gun violence. They have to see we care. The way I show them we care is I have uniformed officers, school police — no weapon, but looking sharp, being attentive and being accountable.

People want policing, but they want police reform. They want good policing. They don’t want police brutality. They don’t want ‘stop and frisk,’ I’m against the return of stop and frisk.

What is your plan to address Philly schools’ facilities needs?

Parker: Let’s think about using apprentices and pre apprentices in the building trades and students in our school district to help be a part of that process. Do we do it via a School Building Authority, an accelerated process within our current structure? I’m not sure.

I’m more concerned with getting it done. We have to get together at the table, agree to what the plan will be. And then we have to be unified in our advocacy and not trying to pick winners and losers with the ultimate goal being focused on our children and doing right by the people who work in those buildings.

Oh: I think there is purposeful inefficiency [in school construction and upkeep]. … I would look at serious rightsizing of the district based on the fact that we probably need to build new buildings.

We need to look at the buildings that have asbestos and actually clean them for real and not just coat them. We don’t need to remediate them. We have to remove it.

The most direct control the mayor has over education is appointing the school board. Would you make any changes to the board?

Parker: I am not going to make any comments or personnel decisions while I’m on the campaign trail. … I will be looking for people with a deep commitment to our city, the children of our city, and [who] share my vision for public education in this city.

I will not and do not support an elected school board because if you elect a school board that comes with taxing authority … I trust the [city] council with the taxing authority for the city of Philadelphia. They are our legislative branch.

Oh: I would appoint nine new [members] … start from scratch.

I have really pushed five elected school board members … we can have five councilmanic districts where the people elect a representative … regionally, [combining the 10 councilmanic districts to make five], but not the same as the council districts.

That would give people a level of responsiveness and accountability that they really feel is missing in the school district

How would you address the teacher shortage?

Parker: We’ve got to market it to them.

Philadelphia hasn’t done a good job in trying to package supports and services that we have available for example, with home ownership. … We’re going to make [Philadelphia] the safest, cleanest, greenest big city in the nation with economic opportunity for all and because it’s safe, we want you to have access to home ownership in a safe and a clean area with a thriving economy, thriving arts, culture, creative economy.

Oh: We’re losing teachers to public safety issues, and they’re telling us “we’re getting out of here, because it’s dangerous for us to go to work … this is not what we signed up for and you don’t seem to care.”

If I wanted to deal with teachers, I would look at recruitment. I would create a more predictable system of how you get paid, and how the pay increases every certain number of years. And it would incentivize staying in Philadelphia longer.

Carly Sitrin is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Philadelphia. Contact Carly at csitrin@chalkbeat.org.

More Colorado communities ask voters to approve lodging taxes for child care

2023-10-31T23:24:20+00:00

When Michelle Oger told staff at her child care center in the mountain town of El Jebel they’d soon be getting a $500 monthly stipend, “Everybody was kind of in disbelief,” she said, “like, ‘Wait, really?’”

The promise of more money suddenly put new options within reach: Snow tires, car repairs, a vacation with the kids. One full-time teacher who worked at Starbucks on the weekends said she’d finally be able to quit the second job.

The new stipend for child care employees in Eagle County is funded through a lodging tax, a mechanism that Colorado communities, especially in mountain resort regions, are increasingly tapping to generate new dollars for housing and child care for people who live there. The idea is that local workers power the tourism industry, so visitors should contribute to efforts that support a stable workforce. Such taxes also reframe child care as a larger economic interest rather than just a mom-and-dad issue.

At least 10 Colorado towns, counties, or local marketing districts currently earmark some of their lodging tax revenues for child care. Besides Eagle County, they include Summit, Clear Creek and San Juan counties, and towns like Estes Park and Georgetown. In November, two more communities will ask voters to approve lodging tax measures to support child care: the City of Pueblo and the Town of Ridgway in western Colorado.

“Pueblo is the first non-mountain-resort town in the whole state to pursue this,” said Sarah Martinez, a Pueblo City Council member and the facilitator of a group that has worked for years to find ways to boost child care funding.

Once an industrial powerhouse in southern Colorado, Pueblo is not primarily a tourist destination. However, it does host several big events each year, including the Colorado State Fair, the Chile and Frijoles Festival, and a hotrod show.

While most lodging taxes for child care and housing have passed, Martinez worries Pueblo’s vote could be close. Among those opposing the city’s measure is the Pueblo Lodger’s Association.

If the measure, Question 2A, passes, it would levy a 1.5% tax on hotel and motel stays — about $1.77 a night — that would generate more than $600,000 annually. The proceeds would help Pueblo families who earn too much to qualify for state child care subsidies but still struggle with the cost of care.

The lodging tax in Ridgway, a Western Colorado town considered the Gateway to the San Juan Mountains, would help pay for an affordable housing project that would include a child care center.

Colorado counties and local marketing districts, which are created by communities or regions to promote tourism, have been allowed to use lodging taxes to support child care or housing only since a law change in 2022. Before that, lodging taxes in these jurisdictions had to be used for tourism efforts. Some Colorado cities and towns have long had the authority to levy a lodging tax to support child care, but few have done so.

Josh Mantell, fiscal advocacy and special projects manager at the Bell Policy Center, said he expects to see more communities seek lodging taxes for child care.

“The state does not have the revenue to properly and adequately fund a lot of what we should consider public priorities, and funding for child care is at the top of that list” he said.

“It’s great to see communities step forward and do what they need to do,” he said.

At the same time, he worries about the inequities that may emerge as some communities pass lodging taxes and others don’t or can’t.

Millions for child care in ski country

The lodging tax Eagle County voters approved in 2022 will raise about $3 million a year for housing and child care. Such funds are typically distributed in the form of grants or other types of financial aid that providers or parents apply for. Each taxing community comes up with a spending plan based on local needs.

The new $500 monthly stipends will start flowing to full-time child care employees in November. County officials also plan to use the lodging tax proceeds to hire a health consultant to work with local child care programs, offer providers help with mortgage or rental payments, and assist with building improvements that create more infant and toddler seats.

“What’s so great about lodging taxes is it’s sustainable funding,” said Sam Markovitz, Eagle County’s early childhood initiatives manager.

Oger, executive director at Blue Lake Preschool in El Jebel as well as another center in neighboring Garfield County, hopes the new stipends will help attract and retain employees. Although her employees in Garfield County don’t qualify for the Eagle County stipends, the center’s board decided to use other funding to ensure they get the same monthly payment as their Eagle County peers.

Teachers at Blue Lake make $22 to $31 an hour depending on their experience, and aides start at $20 — about the same as the Wendy’s restaurant down the road pays. While the center has a core group of veteran teachers, Oger said there are also employees who cycle through after discovering they don’t enjoy mountain life or can’t afford to live locally.

Although Blue Lake has raised staff pay three times in three years, Oger said, “It’s still not enough to keep up with the rising costs.”

Making child care a viable career

It was a big deal when voters in Estes Park’s local marketing district approved a lodging tax increase from 2% to 5.5% for housing and child care, said Carlie Bangs, Estes Park’s housing and child care manager.

“To feel like the community sees you and is willing to support you … is really impactful,” she said.

Most of the proceeds from the tax will go toward housing initiatives in the northern Colorado town, which bills itself as the “base camp” for Rocky Mountain National Park. About 12%, or $600,000, will go toward child care.

In December, centers will get a subsidy of $25,000 to $32,000, and home-based programs can qualify for $4,000. The goal is to ensure that teachers get at least $20 an hour and aides get at least $16 an hour. Additional lodging tax money will go toward tuition assistance for families, and rental, mortgage, or building improvement help for providers.

Bangs said $600,000 is more than adequate this year, since the town has only three child care centers and three licensed home-base programs. But with about 500 children under 5 in the area, Estes Park needs more child care seats.

Bangs hopes the influx of lodging tax dollars can help make caring for children a viable option for prospective providers.

“We want to incentivize people to get licensed,” she said. “We want it to be something they do because they can put food on their table and go on vacation and live a fulfilling life with that career.”

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Newark school board votes in Thomas Luna to fill vacant board seat

2023-10-31T20:55:26+00:00

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Board of education leaders in New Jersey’s largest school district voted in a new member, weeks after the former president stepped down and a new one took her place.

Thomas Luna won a unanimous vote at a school board meeting Monday to be the new member of the Newark Board of Education following a vacancy left by former president, Asia Norton, who resigned two weeks after the start of the school year. Luna was chosen out of 10 candidates who submitted applications to the board last month.

“I get to wake up every day and teach the future of the city. And to bring that perspective is something that is really important to me, and I think will benefit everyone in terms of working with this team of board members to do the work for our kids and our families,” said Luna, a teacher at KIPP Rise Academy and two-time school board candidate, during a phone call on Tuesday.

Luna will be sworn in during November’s school board meeting and will serve on the board until April, when school board elections for the new year take place.

His selection is the latest reshuffling of board members after Hasani Council was sworn in as president last month when Norton departed for a role with the Superior Court of New Jersey.

The news comes as board members continue to work on hiring their separate attorney, solidify their goals for the year, and push for the release of a long-awaited review of the cultural climate at Newark School of Global Studies in the wake of reported incidents of racial harassment at the school, among other work.

Following Norton’s departure, the Newark board had 65 days to fill the vacant seat, according to New Jersey law. They solicited nominations from the community and received 10 applications, which they accepted until Sept. 29. The current board interviewed the candidates on Monday and later that evening voted to move forward with Luna, based on the information received during those interviews, said board president Council on Tuesday.

Luna, a seventh and eighth grade math and science teacher for more than 10 years in Newark, said his first order of business is making sure he gets his “personal bearings” about the work the board is doing. He said he is grateful and excited to work with the city’s school board and best serve its students.

Thomas Luna ran for a seat on the Newark Board of Education in April 2022 and 2023.

Previously, Luna ran for a school board seat in April 2022 and 2023 but both times lost to the Moving Newark Schools Forward slate, which has had strong backing from powerful state and local politicians. Chalkbeat Newark interviewed Luna for the 2023 school board voter guide where he said, “the most pressing issue facing Newark schools today is achievement.”

“As a board member, I would work with my fellow board members and the superintendent to establish and fully fund intervention strategies and teams within our schools to provide the academic safety nets our kids need,” said Luna in April.

A first-generation college graduate, Luna received a degree in public administration from Texas State University. As an educator, Luna has said he’s mentored many of his students even after they moved on to high school and college.

As a leader and organizer with Newark for Education Equity and Diversity, a nonprofit, he has helped community members and elected officials pass policy on the state and local levels. He has led and developed various community programs and believes in collective change, Luna said.

The board may also have to fill another vacant position as board member A’Dorian Murray-Thomas runs against Khalil Kettles next week in the Nov. 7 general election for a seat on the Essex County Board of Commissioners, which approves the county budget, among other responsibilities. Murray-Thomas is running as a Democrat and Kettles as an Independent to represent District 2, which includes Newark, Irvington, and Maplewood.

Murray-Thomas’s term on the school board expires in 2025, but she would not be able to simultaneously hold elected positions on the school and commissioner boards. If she wins, there would be another vacancy on the board in January.

Jessie Gómez is a reporter for Chalkbeat Newark, covering public education in the city. Contact Jessie at jgomez@chalkbeat.org.

Chicago Public Schools graduation rates hit record high, data show

2023-10-31T19:01:51+00:00

A greater share of Chicago Public Schools students graduated last school year than in 2022, reaching a new record, officials announced Tuesday.

The graduation rate of 84% — representing students who graduated in four years — was 1.1 percentage points higher than the graduation rate for the Class of 2022, when 82.9% of high school students graduated on time. The dropout rate for the Class of 2023 was slightly higher at 9.4% than it was for the Class of 2022, which saw 8.9% of students drop out between freshman year and graduation.

Chicago Public Schools’ five-year graduation rate for the Class of 2022 — which includes students who take extra time to finish their diploma either at a traditional or alternative school — was 85.6%, 1.6 percentage points higher than for the class of 2021 when it was 84%.

District officials announced the numbers with fanfare at Walter H. Dyett High School for the Arts, with CPS CEO Pedro Martinez flanked by Mayor Brandon Johnson and joined virtually by U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona.

Martinez said the rising graduation rate was a sign that the district is continuing to recover from the pandemic, reminding the audience that the students in the Class of 2023 were freshmen as the pandemic started in 2020, followed by two school years of remote and hybrid learning.

“When you think about their last year, their senior year, was probably their most normal year, I want you to take these results and put them in that context,” Martinez said.

Cardona described the graduation rates as “promising signs for the future of education in Chicago.” He highlighted the district’s use of federal COVID relief dollars, which CPS has put toward several purposes, including covering teacher salaries and hiring more instructional staff.

The announcement came one day after Illinois state education officials released statewide data, including graduation rates that had also increased across Illinois. (The state and Chicago Public Schools calculate graduation rates differently, so Chalkbeat is unable to provide direct comparisons.)

Chicago’s graduation rate has steadily increased over time, hitting a record high in 2022 even as students have faced academic challenges connected to the pandemic. Tuesday’s announcement comes on the heels of another report that found a rising share of CPS students are enrolling in college.

Racial disparities among graduates still remain, though they are narrowing. Graduation rates increased for Black, Hispanic and Asian American students, while dropping slightly for white students — by .4 percentage points — compared to the Class of 2022. Rates also dropped for multiracial students by 5.7 percentage points.

Nearly 75% of Black boys graduated in four years, up from roughly 65% five years ago, according to district data.

Despite higher graduation rates, SAT scores dipped for the Class of 2023, to an average composite score of 914. The average score for the Class of 2022 was 927, according to district data. Separately, the district also saw slightly fewer ninth graders — 88.7% — who were on track to graduate by 2026. That’s compared to 88.8% of the class that’s one year older than them.

As the pandemic set in, the district relaxed some grading policies, as did other school systems across the nation — raising questions about how such policies may have contributed to CPS’s rising graduation rates. Martinez argued that an increase in students completing college-level credits was a sign students were held to a high standard. Just under half of the Class of 2023 earned early college credits, a 5% increase from 2022, according to the district.

One of those students is Zaid Orduño, who said at Tuesday’s press conference that he took college-level courses at Daley College during his time at Sarah E. Goode STEM Academy, through the district’s Early College Program. His classes at Daley included English, math, sociology, and psychology, and he ultimately earned an associate’s degree alongside his high school diploma.

Taking those classes, he said, inspired him to pass up his original plan of joining his family’s construction business and instead pursue a civil engineering degree at Illinois Tech, he said.

A wall at Walter H. Dyett High School for the Arts is dedicated to remembering a hunger strike held in 2015 to demand for the reopening of Dyett, which was closed at the time.

Dyett, located in the Bronzeville neighborhood on the South Side, saw its graduation rate tick up by more than 3 percentage points, to 86%. Johnson noted how far the school had come since he and other community members participated in a highly publicized hunger strike in 2015 to demand that Dyett, then shuttered, reopen. He also recognized fellow hunger striker Ald. Jeanette Taylor, who now represents the neighborhood nearby in City Council and serves as the chair of the Committee on Education and Child Development.

“A hunger striker can turn into a mayor and an alderman, and more importantly, a hunger strike can lead to the success that we are experiencing with our students right here at Dyett High School,” Johnson said.

He also used the moment to once again advocate for expanding the Sustainable Community Schools Initiative that Dyett and 19 other schools are a part of. The program partners schools with a nonprofit that provides wraparound services for students and families.

Reema Amin is a reporter covering Chicago Public Schools. Contact Reema at ramin@chalkbeat.org.

Proposition HH: How the property tax measure would affect school funding

2023-10-30T20:53:04+00:00

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Colorado voters face a complex decision on their November ballots that will affect property tax bills, income tax refunds, and school funding for at least the next decade.

Proposition HH asks: Shall the state reduce property taxes for homes and businesses, including expanding property tax relief for seniors, and backfill counties, water districts, fire districts, ambulance and hospital districts, and other local governments and fund school districts by using a portion of the state surplus up to the Proposition HH cap as defined in this measure?

If that sounds complicated, it is.

Gov. Jared Polis and Democratic lawmakers placed Proposition HH on the ballot this spring as homeowners received new property assessments that increased their values an average of 40%. Lawmakers worried that dramatic property tax increases would hurt businesses and lower income homeowners and give momentum to conservative efforts to cut taxes further.

Proposition HH would reduce how much property value is taxable, blunting the impact of higher assessments. It also would limit how much additional revenue most local governments could collect year over year. School districts would be exempt from that second provision.

This means property owners would pay less under Proposition HH than they would otherwise — but also that park and library districts, fire departments, and school districts would collect less tax revenue than under current law.

At the same time, state government is bringing in more money than ever from income and sales taxes due to a strong economy. The Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights limits how much spending can increase to the rate of population growth plus inflation. Any money collected over that cap — estimated to be $1.9 billion next budget year alone — must be returned to taxpayers as refunds.

Proposition HH would raise the spending limit, allowing the state government to keep more money from existing taxes and reducing future TABOR refunds. The extra money would be used to backfill some of the lost local revenue, shore up the state education fund, and provide rental assistance.

Proponents say Proposition HH balances property tax relief and the need to fund critical government services. It would allow Colorado to protect education funding against future recessions and keep up with inflation. If Proposition HH passes, Colorado could meet its constitutional school funding obligations and then some — something the state hasn’t done for more than a decade.

Opponents of Proposition HH say it’s essentially a tax increase to fund schools — something voters have repeatedly rejected at the state level — disguised as property tax relief. There are no guardrails to ensure the extra money would improve teacher pay or student achievement, they say.

Here’s a closer look at how Prop HH would affect school funding.

How are property taxes and school funding related?

Colorado funds its school with a mix of local property tax revenue and state funding that comes from income taxes, sales taxes, oil and gas revenue, and other sources. Colorado uses a formula to determine how much total funding each school district should get per student. Whatever local taxes don’t cover, state funding makes up the rest.

By limiting the taxable value of property, Proposition HH slows the growth in local revenue and increases the state obligation toward K-12 schools.

Out of a roughly $9 billion K-12 budget, legislative analysts estimate the state would owe school districts an extra $130 million this budget year under Proposition HH, an extra $310 million next year, and another $360 million in the 2025-26 school year.

How would Colorado backfill school district budgets?

Proposition HH would raise the cap on state government spending by 1% a year, allowing the state to keep and spend more money from existing taxes. Less money would be available for TABOR refunds going forward.

That retained revenue would backfill local government budgets. Lawmakers have pledged to hold school districts harmless, meaning they’ll get the same amount of money under Proposition HH as without it. Other local taxing districts, like fire and library districts, would get some backfill but not as much.

State analysts estimate Proposition HH would generate $125 million for schools in the 2024-25 budget year and up to $2.16 billion in the 2031-32 budget year. But the farther out the economic forecast goes, the more uncertainty there is.

Over time, the need for backfill would go down as property values continued to rise, and the state would have more money in the education fund. Depending on economic conditions, this money could allow Colorado to increase school funding or avoid cuts during a recession.

Would Proposition HH get rid of TABOR refunds?

Under current law, Colorado is set to return billions of dollars to taxpayers over the next several years, with higher earners getting larger refunds. Next year, budget analysts estimate taxpayers will receive between $586 and $1,834 depending on how much they earn.

Under Proposition HH, all taxpayers would receive a flat refund of $833 next year, but after that, the state would keep more of the excess money and refunds would be smaller.

Whether money is available for TABOR refunds would depend on economic conditions and how much revenue the state collects. That’s true today as well — some years, taxpayers don’t see any money back.

But under Proposition HH, as the state spending limits got higher, it would become more likely that taxpayers wouldn’t get refunds in the future.

Do Colorado schools need more funding?

Colorado’s school funding is below the national average, despite recent increases. Starting salaries in small rural districts are among the lowest in the nation, and even districts that have raised teacher pay haven’t kept up with the rising housing costs.

Amendment 23, approved by voters in 2000, requires that education funding increase each year at the rate of population growth plus inflation. But that hasn’t happened since 2008. When tax revenues plummeted during the Great Recession, lawmakers started diverting education money to other priorities. This withholding, known as the negative factor or the budget stabilization factor, has added up to more than $10 billion that never went to schools.

Even without Prop HH, Colorado is on track to eliminate the withholding next year. But with spending obligations linked to inflation, and potentially billions needing to be returned to taxpayers under current law, it’s unclear whether Colorado could sustain constitutionally required funding levels into the future. K-12 spending takes up more than a third of Colorado’s general fund, squeezing out other programs, including higher education.

Conservatives say the state could fund schools adequately if lawmakers just prioritized education. They question whether school districts are spending too much on administrative costs instead of paying teachers more.

Progressive education advocates say even meeting Amendment 23 requirements wouldn’t be enough. Adjusting for inflation, that would bring Colorado to 1989 funding levels, while schools today are expected to do a lot more, from providing advanced career and technical education to supporting students’ mental health.

Is Prop HH a property tax measure or a school funding measure?

Supporters have pitched Proposition HH as property tax relief. But back in May, then-Senate Majority Leader Dominick Moreno called it “a key piece of the solution” to decades of underfunding Colorado schools.

Education groups, including teachers unions and Education Reform Now Advocacy, are major backers of the property tax measure. The Colorado Association of School Boards has also come out in support.

“Any measure that tries to reduce property tax revenue has to account for what happens to school funding,” said Scott Wasserman, president of the left-leaning Bell Policy Center, which supports the measure. “Opponents try to act like a bait and switch. It’s not a bait and switch.”

Wasserman said doing nothing risks provoking a taxpayer backlash that could lead to even stricter limits on the growth of government that would hurt schools. Already, conservative activist Michael Fields has placed a 4% property tax cap on the ballot for 2024.

Along with Republican lawmakers and conservative activists, opponents include the Colorado Municipal League, the Colorado State Fire Chiefs, and the conservative education group Ready Colorado.

An analysis from the Common Sense Institute estimates an extra $9.6 billion would go to education over the next decade under Proposition HH. The analysis notes that school districts don’t have to use the money to raise teacher pay, and there’s no guarantee student outcomes will improve.

“I’ve been surprised to see how much money could be allocated to education without any guardrails,” said Kelly Caufield, the institute’s executive director.

The Common Sense Institute estimates 95% of additional state revenue would go to schools under Proposition HH. But lawmakers aren’t required to increase school funding above Amendment 23 requirements. Caufield said the money could end up freeing up general fund dollars to grow other programs.

Tracie Rainey of the Colorado School Finance Project doesn’t see Proposition HH as a school funding measure, just a way to mitigate the impact of property tax relief.

“If the economy stays strong and if we don’t have an economic downturn and if inflation isn’t running wild, then possibly, down the road, there could be additional dollars,” she said. “There’s a lot of ifs in there that make it hard to know.”

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

How Michigan teacher evaluations would change under proposed reforms

2023-10-30T10:30:00+00:00

Proposed legislation in Michigan that would eliminate student test scores as a factor in teacher evaluations would represent a victory for teachers if it passes, and a turnabout in an education reform effort that began nearly a decade ago.

Current state law requires that student scores on standardized tests count for 40% of a teacher’s performance rating. Under two proposed bills that passed the Senate last week, that requirement would go away, and the districts would be able to use their own criteria for evaluating teachers, such as classroom observations, samples of student work, rubrics, and lesson plans.

The bills would also de-emphasize evaluations as a factor in districts’ decisions to fire or demote teachers or deny them tenure. But they would require districts to take action against teachers who don’t improve after repeated interventions.

The House Education Committee is expected to take up the bills on Tuesday.

Here’s some background on the current law, and highlights of the new proposals:

Michigan law followed a push for more accountability

Michigan’s law on test scores and evaluations grew out of a push for greater accountability in education that began in the 2000s. Some advocacy groups theorized that more rigorous reviews would generate detailed feedback that could be used to improve teachers’ performance.

In 2009, under the Obama administration, the federal government offered money from the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act to states that made policy changes, including revamping teacher evaluations to include test scores.

In response, Michigan passed a law in 2015 requiring that teacher evaluations be 25% based on student growth, as measured by changes in test scores from one year to the next. The requirement went up to 40% at the start of the 2018-19 school year.

Skepticism of test-based evaluations has grown

Teachers have long argued that growth in test scores is an unfair way to measure their job performance, because it compares the performance of two different cohorts of students.

And in recent years, many education experts and policy analysts have become more vocal in questioning the changes that were made in the 2010s.

By 2019, nine states had stopped requiring that test scores be considered in teacher evaluations. Many other states have considered making the same change.

Proponents of returning to the old evaluation method say there is no evidence to suggest the current system benefits students, and that tying ratings to test scores contributes to burnout amid persistent teacher shortages.

Critics are concerned that de-emphasizing student test scores could lower standards for teachers while students are still struggling to recover from pandemic learning loss and need high-quality instruction.

How the proposals would change teacher evaluations

The bills proposed in Michigan would be a return to the system that was used before 2015. Districts would have more power to set their own standards to decide how and when teachers are evaluated.

But the proposals would still require districts to set up a common rating system, and they prescribe some consequences for teachers who don’t measure up.

School districts would have to start using teacher and administrator rating systems by July 1, 2024, that include four possible ratings: “highly effective,” “effective,” “minimally effective,” and “ineffective.” After that, districts would have to add “developing” and “needing support” ratings as well.

Teachers rated “needing support” would get individualized development plans from their districts to improve their performance within 180 days.

Districts would not be allowed to fire, deny tenure to, or withhold full certification from teachers rated “ineffective.” But they would be required to terminate teachers or administrators who are rated “needing support” three years in a row. Those who receive that rating could request reviews of their evaluations.

Staff who conduct evaluations would have to take “rater reliability training” from their districts.

A Senate analysis of the proposals said local districts might face some new costs to update teacher and school administrator evaluations and to incorporate collective bargaining agreements as part of that process.

On the other hand, it says, schools could save money by not having to calculate testing data, and by evaluating consistently effective teachers less often.

Hannah Dellinger is a reporter for Chalkbeat Detroit covering K-12 education. Contact Hannah at hdellinger@chalkbeat.org.

Denver school board election 2023: Who’s running and what’s at stake in the at-large race

2023-10-27T22:46:18+00:00

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One candidate is a longtime educator who supporters say knows Denver Public Schools inside and out and will be ready to make changes on day one. The other is a business leader who grew up in a family of educators and who backers say will bring fresh ideas to the district.

That’s the choice voters face for an at-large seat on the Denver school board.

John Youngquist, 57, was a teacher, principal, and school district administrator for 35 years, with much of that time in Denver. He taught or led at four different DPS elementary and high schools, including two stints as the principal of East High School.

Youngquist’s two daughters are students at East, and he is a graduate of Denver’s Thomas Jefferson High School. He now works with a youth-focused organization called GRASP, which stands for Gang Rescue and Support Project.

Kwame Spearman, 39, is co-owner of the storied yet financially troubled Tattered Cover bookstores. His mother is a longtime DPS educator, and Spearman graduated from East High.

Spearman worked in the private sector, including at Bain & Company, before moving back to Denver in 2020 to run the Tattered Cover. He ran for Denver mayor earlier this year but dropped out before Election Day. He stepped down as CEO of Tattered Cover before running for school board.

Two other candidates are also on the ballot for the at-large seat, which represents the entire city.

Brittni Johnson hasn’t campaigned much due to illness and did not respond to multiple requests for interviews. Paul Ballenger dropped out of the race in September but will still appear on the ballot. Votes for Ballenger won’t count.

Three of the seven Denver school board seats are up for grabs Nov. 7. The winner in the at-large race will replace board Vice President Auon’tai Anderson, who is not running for re-election.

The current board members were backed by the teachers union, but they’ve split on whether police belong in schools and how much autonomy principals should have. They’ve also struggled at times to get along. The election won’t change the balance of power on the board, but new members will change the interpersonal dynamic and potentially the political one as well.

Where the candidates stand on the issues

The at-large candidates have emphasized different issues on the campaign trail. Spearman has talked about building affordable housing for educators on DPS-owned land. Youngquist has said he wants to triple the number of student health clinics inside schools.

Spearman also said he’d like to ask Denver voters to raise taxes to pay for student transportation. Youngquist said DPS should create a public, online dashboard with data on student attendance, safety, and academics.

Youngquist and Spearman both want more mental health support for students and good pay for teachers. They both value school choice.

And they both want police officers known as school resources officers, or SROs, in DPS schools right now — but Spearman has pledged to remove SROs by the end of his first term.

“Most of the time an SRO is in a school, they’re not doing what we think of as police activity,” Spearman said in an interview. “They’re literally just sitting.”

He said he understands why SROs are in schools right now, following a fatal shooting outside East High and a shooting inside the school this year — “people are on edge, and we have to respect and understand that” — but he said it is objectively “a clear waste of resources.”

The key to removing SROs is to provide separate alternative schools, with smaller classes and more mental health support, for students with behavior issues, Spearman said.

“The students most likely to make us think we need SROs shouldn’t be in those environments,” he said of big high schools like East. Spearman said he’d like to replace SROs with community officers, though he hasn’t defined what that would look like.

Youngquist agrees that some students would be better served in alternative schools, and he said he’s seen those options dwindle in DPS over time.

“For me, as a principal, what I need are options when I have a student who has demonstrated violent behaviors,” Youngquist said in an interview. “The district has taken away all the options and not provided consult. The district has essentially said, ‘Good luck.’”

As principal of East High in 2020, he opposed the previous board’s decision to get rid of SROs — and he supported the board’s recent decision to bring them back after the March shooting inside East. After the shooting, DPS hired Youngquist as a consultant to interview high school principals and teachers about safety; all said they wanted SROs to return.

“Over time, we need to ensure we develop an understanding of how [SROs] best fit in our schools and where it is that we’re gaining value from them,” Youngquist said at a recent debate.

Who has endorsed them

Spearman is endorsed by the Denver Classroom Teachers Association, the teachers union. Progressive former Denver mayoral candidate Lisa Calderón also endorsed him.

Youngquist is endorsed by Denver Mayor Mike Johnston and by Denver Families Action, the political arm of an organization called Denver Families for Public Schools, formed in 2021 with the backing of several local charter school networks.

For many years, pro-reform Denver school board members encouraged new charters to open in DPS, hopeful they would boost academic achievement. Union-backed board members took power in 2019 and stopped that trajectory by rejecting new charters and even closing one for low performance. Declining enrollment has led many charters to close voluntarily and made it extremely challenging to open new schools.

Spearman has criticized Youngquist for accepting the endorsement of Denver Families Action, which he said at a recent debate is “funded by two people, Reed Hastings and John Arnold” who “are committed to the privatization of our schools.”

Hastings is the co-founder of Netflix and Arnold is a former Enron executive. Both are on the board of The City Fund, a national organization in favor of charter schools and school autonomy. Denver Families for Public Schools gets money — $1.75 million in the last fiscal year — from The City Fund, according to federal tax records.

“The biggest thing that separates me from John is that the educational community has decided to support me,” Spearman said in an interview.

Youngquist has pointed out that he spent his career working primarily with traditional schools, not charter schools. Neither candidate has called for closing charter schools, and both have said they support allowing families to choose the school that best fits their child’s needs.

“We can’t get into the traditional fights between reform and neighborhood schools,” Youngquist said at a recent debate. “We’ve been there before. It hasn’t served our children well…It’s time to come together, sit at the table, [and] design the DPS that our students need.”

Both candidates sat for endorsement interviews with Denver Families Action and the union. Youngquist also took a Denver Families candidate training called Lead 101. He said he did the training to learn what a campaign was like before he decided to run.

Endorsements often come with money. Pro-reform organizations have deeper pockets than the teachers union and their spending is often more opaque.

An independent expenditure committee associated with Denver Families Action has been spending big in the last month on digital advertising and a flurry of mailers, including an attack ad that Spearman decried as racist. The committee also spent $250,000 on TV ads — a first in Denver school board races.

What supporters say

In endorsing Spearman, the Denver teachers union noted that he’s a DPS graduate who comes from a long line of educators. In an interview, union President Rob Gould said Spearman’s advocacy for teacher housing stood out among the candidates, as did his outreach to teachers.

“He met with a variety of individuals to find out: What do educators need? What’s the current status?” Gould said. “What we found is that he was working hard to understand.”

He said Spearman’s approach “is very juxtaposed” with other candidates, whom he declined to name, who act like “they already know the answers.”

Former Denver school board President Nate Easley endorsed Spearman early in the race, before Youngquist jumped in. Easley was also endorsed by the teachers union in his race, but ended up voting with the pro-reform members on the board. Easley said he found Spearman to be a mature, independent thinker who was raised by a strong DPS educator.

Easley said he also likes that Spearman has been a CEO, which to him means Spearman will be innovative. Spearman bought Tattered Cover as part of an investment group when the company was already on rocky financial footing and worked to revive it.

But just this month, after he had stepped down as CEO, the company filed for bankruptcy and is trying to restructure. As CEO, Spearman also faced accusations of workplace bullying and ageism. In an interview, he said, “When you’re an actual leader, you know leadership is hard.”

Easley said his endorsement of Spearman is not a rebuke of Youngquist.

“I think both of them are grown ups,” Easley said. “I like the idea of a DPS graduate whose mom taught in the district and could be in his ear.”

In endorsing Youngquist, Denver Families Action cited his experience as a DPS educator and parent. CEO Clarence Burton said the organization was looking for “the most credible candidates who can speak to a background in education … not just the values they’d bring to the board but can say, ‘We’ve been showing up and doing that work, not just for years but for decades.’”

Educators, parents, and DPS graduates helped interview the candidates for the Denver Families Action endorsement, Burton said, but the final decision was made by the organization’s staff and board chair.

Happy Haynes, another former school board president, also endorsed Youngquist. Haynes typically voted with the pro-reform members in her time on the board.

“As an educator, they don’t come better,” she said of Youngquist.

Spearman has criticized Youngquist for the yawning gaps in test scores between white students, who score high, and Black and Latino students, who score lower. Haynes said she admires Youngquist’s efforts to close those gaps. She cited an effort at East to enroll all freshmen into honors courses and provide extra academic support to those who needed it.

In 2022, the last year Youngquist was at East, the number of white 11th graders who met expectations in literacy on the SAT was 47 percentage points higher than the number of Black 11th graders who met expectations. That gap was a little worse than the gap at Northfield High, the city’s second-largest high school behind East, and a little better than the gap at third-largest South High.

For more about the candidates, read our profiles here:

Kwame Spearman

John Youngquist

Watch Spearman and Youngquist debate here.

And read — in their own words — how they answered six questions about DPS here.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Spending in Denver school board election tops $1.3 million, including on a mailer decried as racist

2023-10-27T22:28:48+00:00

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With a little more than a week until Election Day, spending in the Denver school board race has surpassed $1.36 million, fueled largely by one group that has spent big, including on an attack ad that the targeted candidate decried as a racist dog whistle.

That group — Better Leaders, Stronger Schools — is an independent expenditure committee funded largely by Denver Families Action, which is the political arm of an organization called Denver Families for Public Schools. The organization was founded in 2021 with the backing of local charter school networks and its board is populated by charter leaders.

In Denver Public Schools politics, pro-charter organizations like Denver Families Action are on one side and the Denver Classroom Teachers Association union is on the other. So far, the charter group is outspending the teachers union by about 4 to 1.

Pro-charter organizations are fighting to gain back a seat at the decision-making table. After years of a pro-charter majority on the Denver school board, the balance of power flipped in 2019. Today, all seven current members of the Denver school board were backed by the teachers union. With just three of the seven seats up for grabs Nov. 7, the election won’t change the majority. But it could change the board’s discussions.

Though Denver school board races have been million-dollar elections for several cycles, this year’s spending is notable. Pro-charter Better Leaders, Stronger Schools spent $250,000 on television ads featuring Denver Mayor Mike Johnston endorsing three candidates who were also endorsed by Denver Families Action: John Youngquist, Marlene De La Rosa, and Kimberlee Sia. It’s the first TV ad in memory for Denver school board candidates.

The pro-charter committee has also sent several negative mailers, including one featuring a sad white child on one side and candidate Kwame Spearman, who is Black, on the other.

In an interview, Spearman called the juxtaposition “dog whistling.”

Clarence Burton, CEO of Denver Families Action, did not respond to a request for comment.

One side of a mailer attacking candidate Kwame Spearman.

Independent expenditure committees do the dirty work in political campaigns. They are not allowed to coordinate with the candidates, and they don’t have to disclose their donors, which is why they’re often referred to as “dark money” or “outside spending.”

The pro-charter spending seems more concentrated and strategic this year in that it’s being funneled through one committee rather than several as in years past. Better Leaders, Stronger Schools had spent a whopping $1 million total as of Oct. 25, according to campaign finance reports on file with the Colorado Secretary of State’s office.

The big spending started later than usual, likely because the Denver Classroom Teachers Association waited until early October to finalize its endorsements. The teachers union is backing candidates Spearman, Charmaine Lindsay, and Scott Baldermann. The union has its own independent expenditure committee called Students Deserve Better.

The negative mailer accuses Spearman, who’s running for an at-large seat on the board, of being a bully. Spearman is a DPS graduate and the son of an educator, and he co-owns the Tattered Cover bookstores. The mailer notes that Tattered Cover employees accused him of bullying while he was CEO. He has since stepped down from that role.

“To evoke and call me a bully, and on the other side [of the mailer] to have a white child, it’s very clear what they were trying to do,” Spearman said.

The mailer also brings up comments Spearman made about homelessness, crime, and immigration during his brief run for Denver mayor earlier this year. And it says he wrote “several sexist newspaper articles” when he was a college student. Spearman is 39 years old.

“It’s very obvious Denver Families has some kind of polling that indicates I’m doing very well,” Spearman said, “and instead of focusing on issues and what they want to do for the district, they’ve dug up stuff from my college days to put together this stew to show that I’m a bully.

“It’s a turning point in this race.”

Spearman called on Johnston, who endorsed Spearman’s opponent, to denounce the mailer.

“Mayor Johnston did not send the mailer,” spokesperson Jordan Fuja said in an email. “He endorsed candidates with strong educational experience who could bring change to the board.”

Better Leaders, Stronger Schools has also sent negative mailers about Baldermann and Lindsay, the two incumbents in the race. Both Baldermann and Lindsay are white. The mailers targeting them mostly focus on their political records.

This is not the first time a Denver school board candidate has raised concerns about negative mailers being racist. In 2019, two Latina candidates decried a mailer sent out by the teachers union’s independent expenditure committee they said erased their identities by leaving off their Latino surnames. The union-funded committee apologized for the mailer.

In 2017, a union-funded committee sent a mailer featuring photos of former President Donald Trump and his Education Secretary Betsy DeVos alongside a photo of Angela Cobián, a Latina candidate who won her election. “I know what racism feels like, so this isn’t new,” Cobián told Chalkbeat at the time. “But I am deeply pained.”

Chalkbeat Colorado Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer contributed to this report.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado loan forgiveness program for teachers accepting applications through Oct. 31

2023-10-27T00:41:35+00:00

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Colorado teachers have a few more days to apply to the state’s temporary student-loan forgiveness program for educators, after the higher education department extended the deadline.

The program, in its second year, taps federal pandemic relief money to provide newer educators in the state with $5,000 to help reduce their student loan balances. The new application deadline is Oct. 31.

Lawmakers intended to hand out about 2,000 such awards. But the state has rejected more than half of all applicants, and so far only about 1,200 have received the aid.

Part of the problem, some educators say, is confusion between two Colorado loan forgiveness programs for educators. The one funded through federal pandemic relief money is for educators who started working after the 2019-20 school year. Most of the rejected applicants had been in the profession longer, and some thought they were applying for a similar but separate program approved in 2019 that’s for teachers at all levels of experience.

Nonetheless, the large number of applications points to wide demand for debt relief.

The newer loan forgiveness program was part of a $52 million package of measures funded by federal relief money to help Colorado address teacher shortages. It also included programs that provide aid for educators to pay for certification tests and stipends for student teachers.

Colorado lawmakers set aside $10 million for the loan forgiveness plan through December 2024. So far the Colorado Department of Higher Education has distributed about $6.25 million of that and expects to spend the rest in the latest round. Educators can apply for an award even if they previously received money.

Teachers have had issues navigating the program, and some educators haven’t completely filled out the required paperwork, according to department spokeswoman Megan McDermott.

“We believe that teachers and special service providers are busy in their classrooms and may not have the time to complete the paperwork,” said McDermott. “Also, there is confusion between the federal programs and the state of Colorado programs, which is confusing to educators determining which programs are available.”

In the first year, the pandemic-era program served only rural teachers or those in hard-to-recruit fields, such as math or special education, who were in their first few years on the job.

That year, 359 educators received $5,000 awards, according to the higher education department. Of that group, the state has data on 281 applicants. They represented 52 districts and were mostly teachers in their first two years on the job. Most had less than $51,000 in total debt.

To reach more teachers, lawmakers broadened eligibility this year by removing the stipulation that teachers must be from rural districts or teach in hard-to-recruit subjects. The updates also increased the income limits.

After that change, the state gave aid to 884 more applicants.

Many more — over 2,250 applicants — have had their applications rejected.

Sarabeth Smith, a 12-year educator in East Grand School District, said she didn’t realize she had applied for the program for newer educators. Both programs use the same online form.

She said the directions weren’t clear, and she didn’t get a reason for her rejection the first time she applied.

More educators need help, she said, and not just those within their first few years.

Smith said many educators in their seventh or eighth year of teaching have a hard time staying in the field because of financial constraints. She said she works multiple jobs and is paying off loans for her master’s degree.

She used a federal loan forgiveness program for teachers to help pay off her bachelor’s degree loans and is hoping for more help.

“Any help towards the professional is just always going to make it a little easier to keep teachers and attract new teachers,” she said. “We know these shortages are not getting any better.”

The state’s other loan forgiveness program, which began before the pandemic, was slated to last five years and help rural teachers and those who specialize in hard-to-fill subjects. It’s open to educators of all levels.

Lawmakers were forced to put that program on hold because of budget shortfalls. The program will distribute money in 2024 to this year’s applicants, according to the higher education department.

Instructions on the top of the current application form say: “The Original rural educator application is closed at this time. You can apply for the Temporary Educator program.” But they don’t specify that the temporary program is only for newer teachers.

The program for new teachers has received about 600 applications in the latest round, the state said when it extended the deadline. This may be the last application period, or there could be one more round in the spring, the higher education department said.

McDermott reminded applicants to answer all questions and to submit required items such as a copy of their teaching license, if applicable, and employment verification.

Also, applicants must include their student loan information for the state to be able to make the payments, she said.

Despite the confusion, the program has helped, said Frank Reeves, who retired as East Grand’s superintendent last year and is the director of operations and strategic partnerships of the Colorado Rural Schools Alliance.

Districts like East Grand that are in resort areas have less trouble recruiting teachers, he said. But housing is expensive, and teachers need help, especially with student loan payments that cut into their expendable income, he said.

“It’s been more incentive to keep people, not really attract,” Reeves said.

Meanwhile, research shows the longstanding federal loan forgiveness program for educators isn’t succeeding at helping districts keep teachers and attract new ones.

That program, established in 1998, forgives $5,000 of debt for teachers, and possibly more for teachers in certain subjects. But a study released this summer found that attrition patterns among participants were the same as for those who didn’t get loan forgiveness.

The program also ran into issues getting applicants to properly fill out the forms, and researchers recommended streamlining the process.

Philadelphia mayoral election 2023: How Cherelle Parker answered 10 important education questions

2023-10-26T20:27:58+00:00

If Philadelphia voters cast their ballots in line with their party registration this November, Democrat Cherelle Parker is all but guaranteed to become the city’s 100th mayor. She will also be the first woman, and the first Black woman, to hold the office.

Parker is a former City Council member and state representative who has a degree in education from Lincoln University and worked briefly as an English teacher in Pleasantville, NJ. She is running against Republican David Oh, an attorney who also used to be on the council.

The general election is Tuesday, Nov. 7, and the last day to vote early in person is Tuesday, Oct. 31.

The next mayor will have the responsibility of appointing the city Board of Education’s nine members, who in turn appoint and evaluate the superintendent, and monitor the district’s progress related to student achievement.

Parker’s campaign has already begun shaping education conversations in the city. Her pledge for “year-round school” was quickly picked up by Superintendent Tony Watlington, who incorporated a pilot program into his five-year strategic plan for the district.

Inspired by reader submissions, Chalkbeat asked both candidates to weigh in on the city’s most pressing education issues: school funding, safety, infrastructure, school board appointments, charter schools, and more. You can find Oh’s detailed Q and A here.

Here, Parker clarifies that for her, year-round school doesn’t mean more seat time in traditional classrooms, but vacation breaks spread throughout the calendar year and shortened during the summer, along with more enrichment activities for students. She also reiterates that she would favor putting more city funds into schools by increasing the district’s share of the city property tax, its largest source of local money.

She did not rule out creating more charter schools: “I want quality seats and I don’t care where they are,” she said, adding that she “will not allow anyone to act as if district-run and charter schools are warring factions.” Unlike Oh, she does not favor electing members of the school board.

This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

Year-round school has been the centerpiece of your education platform. Tell us more how you envision that working.

When people heard me describe access to year-round school, I was not referring to our children sitting in a classroom at a desk, like we do during a traditional school day. But rather, it will … ensure that everyone has access to not just our traditional school curriculum, but academic enrichment programs, tutoring, homework help after school, and access to any workforce development and life skills opportunities that we could offer during out-of-school time.

Year-round education also references being innovative with scheduling. It doesn’t mean you don’t ever get time off. It could be two weeks here, two weeks here, three weeks here. All of our children … aren’t in the Hamptons or the shore all summer long. So for those children for whom those kinds of familial opportunities aren’t a part of their real lives, how do we structure our traditional school year in a way that makes good economic sense and is worth the educational investment for them?

Do you have any more specifics about how this would work and have you talked to the Philadelphia Federation of Teachers’ union about this?

The way I design things, they won’t be designed without the PFT, without our administrators, without our parents, without the external stakeholders, and subject matter experts all at the table figuring out, how do we make this work? … That has not been figured out, but that’s the purpose of putting out the concept. Stakeholders come together and we figure out a way to make it work. And that’s how I go about doing things.

Maybe some other people would love to be able to offer a plan and very specifically say, “This is how it’s going to work and this is what you’re going to do in a Parker administration.” That’s a recipe for disaster. This is a concept that I have in my mind. If I am the mayor, we are going to have year-round educational opportunities for our children. What does it specifically look like when it’s baked and done? I don’t have the specifics for you right now.

There is a basic foundation to public education, that we should in no way shape or form attempt to usurp. But I will tell you that it is in no way sufficient for everything that our children should be learning today.

The most direct power the mayor has over education in Philadelphia is by appointing the school board. Do you intend to replace any of the Board of Education members?

I am not going to make any comments or personnel decisions while I’m on the campaign trail. … I will be looking for people with a deep commitment to our city, the children of our city, and [who] share my vision for public education in this city.

Your opponent David Oh has talked about shifting to a partially elected school board. Is that something you would support or do you think the current model is working?

Who do you think would have access to the resources to run a citywide campaign to get elected to a school board? It would be those who are boosted by very special interests.

What is your position on charter schools? The Board of Education has not approved a new charter school since 2018, do you think that there should be more charter schools in Philadelphia?

I want quality, modern 21st education for all of our children [regardless of] their race, class, socioeconomic status, or zip code. I want quality seats and I don’t care where they are … Some people are not going to like it, but I’m going to unify educational institutions in the city of Philadelphia to work together to help our young people.

I want to see our traditional publics, our traditional charters or parochial schools, and even the private schools — I want to see the leadership all coming together to say this is what we’re doing. Is there a way as educational leaders … that we can add value to each other’s delivery of education? Can we leverage working together, and any supports or services that could benefit young people? Can we share or steal an idea?

I’m always looking to see what other cities and states and countries and nations are doing relative to public education … we haven’t thought big enough and broad enough because everybody’s so accustomed and comfortable working in silos, my mind doesn’t work that way.

Do you support Councilman Thomas’s proposal for a school building authority that would help the school district deal with flaking asbestos and other issues relating to safety and modernization of its buildings?

Let’s think about using apprentices and pre apprentices in the building trades and students in our school district to help be a part of that process. Do we do it via School Building Authority, an accelerated process within our current structure? I’m not sure. I’m not wedded to any way, I’m actually still right now reviewing what that means.

How do you expect to pay for some of the big policy ideas you’ve put forward?

I would be open to exploring increasing the school district’s portion of our property taxes from 55%, potentially to 58%. And that would add an additional $50 million in additional revenue.

That couldn’t be done alone. You have to have an intergovernmental strategy that’s state, local, and federal. You also need the philanthropic community, you need the business community. We cannot try to address these issues in silos that we’ve got to bring people together to say this is the plan, this is what we need from you and you and you and how are we going to work together in order to make it happen?

Our district is historically underfunded, we get it. The court case [ruling Pennsylvania’s school funding system unconstitutional] is extremely important, and potentially increasing our school district’s portion of our property taxes, but we also have to be demonstrating that we’re trying to do things differently here. People are not going to talk about providing additional support and funding to the school district until they see us trying to do something different [in the city.].

Gun violence is also a major issue affecting students, educators, and school communities. What are your proposals for improving school safety?

I welcome everyone to take a look at my comprehensive neighborhood safety community policing plan … we have to make public health and public safety the number one priority here in the city of Philadelphia, and we should do it with three primary buckets in mind, prevention, intervention and enforcement.

We cannot talk about [education] without talking about trauma, mental and behavioral health support. We can’t talk about public education without the need for nurses and counselors and therapy for our children. A holistic approach to delivering public education helps us with public safety.

How does policing fit into that?

How can anyone shout we should be defunding the police when we should be focused on a holistic approach that does include community policing? … [We should] have officers who are not there as warriors but as guardians, working in partnership with our public safety office in the school district, with SEPTA and with other institutions so that we can have a holistic, comprehensive approach

I don’t apologize to anybody about making that a priority, because every child deserves to feel safe in school, and we should do everything that we possibly can to ensure it.

School was a lifeline for a person who grew up in poverty like me. … Every school should be a community school.

What’s your plan to address the teacher shortage and grow the teacher pipeline?

We’ve got to market it to them.

Philadelphia hasn’t done a good job in trying to package supports and services that we have available for example, with home ownership. We should be creative and incentivizing this … first we’re gonna make [Philadelphia] the safest, cleanest, greenest big city in the nation with economic opportunity for all and because it’s safe, we want you to have access to home ownership in a safe and a clean area with a thriving economy, thriving arts, culture, creative economy.

We’re going to see shortages across the board if we don’t find a way to use non-traditional strategies to market and encourage people to become residents of our great city.

Dale Mezzacappa is a senior writer for Chalkbeat Philadelphia, where she covers K-12 schools and early childhood education in Philadelphia. Contact Dale at dmezzacappa@chalkbeat.org.

Carly Sitrin is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Philadelphia. Contact Carly at csitrin@chalkbeat.org.

Philadelphia mayoral election 2023: How David Oh answered 10 important education questions

2023-10-26T20:27:53+00:00

Though the voter registration rolls are against him, Republican mayoral candidate David Oh thinks he sees a path to victory in Philadelphia, and that path starts with the city’s schools.

Voters are “not coming out because of the pomp and ceremony. They’re not coming out because of the noise, they’re coming out because they want a change,” Oh said in a recent interview at his campaign office in Northeast Philadelphia. “People want to believe there is a better future for them. And schools are where it can happen.”

Oh, a former City Council member, is running against the heavily favored Democrat Cherelle Parker, who also served on council and was a state representative. In Philadelphia, registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans seven to one.

The general election is Tuesday, Nov. 7, and the last day to vote early in person is Tuesday, Oct. 31.

In an interview with Chalkbeat, Oh said he favors holding elections for five of the nine members of the Philadelphia Board of Education while the mayor would appoint the remaining four. That would in effect cede the mayor’s primary influence over education in Philadelphia, which is to appoint all members of the board that governs the district.

Oh did not go into detail into how such a hybrid board would work with respect to issues like taxing power. Now, the appointed school board relies on the City Council to allot local tax dollars to the schools. Parker said she opposes an elected board because she wants the council to keep taxing power.

But Oh said that having elected members would make the board more responsive to community concerns. He proposed combining the 10 current councilmanic districts (districts that are aligned with those represented on the City Council) into five, and electing one from each district.

He said he would also seek to promote “equity in resources and facilities” and beef up vocational education. On charter schools, he said: “I am not for or against. I am for good public schools.”

An attorney, Oh was born and raised in Southwest Philadelphia, where he still lives, and represented on the council from 2012 until he resigned to run for mayor earlier this year.

He reiterated that the major issue facing the next mayor is crime — in the city and in the schools. He contends that reducing crime will have a beneficial effect on education by attracting more people to teach in the city and reducing student trauma, among other things.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

What are your proposals for improving school safety?

[Students] have every legitimate reason why they cannot focus and why they are afraid. They’ve been traumatized by all this gun violence. They have to see we care. The way I show them we care is I have uniformed officers, school police — no weapon, but looking sharp, being attentive and being accountable. I say ‘when you’re in our custody, you’re in our care’ for people who we arrest. When you’re in our schools, you’re in our care.

I think a lot of our problems come from the fact that people feel neglected. They feel like nobody cares about them, they feel like they have no future.

I think, although well intended, to not provide police, to not provide discipline, to not provide that shows you don’t care when kids are getting killed, shot, and hurt.

People want policing, but they want police reform. They want good policing. They don’t want police brutality. They don’t want ‘stop and frisk,’ I’m against the return of stop and frisk.

How would you address the teacher shortage?

We’re losing teachers to public safety issues, and they’re telling us “we’re getting out of here, because it’s dangerous for us to go to work … this is not what we signed up for and you don’t seem to care.”

The low pay with no visible steps — the more experience you have in Philadelphia, what do you get? What is your future there? And so a lot of teachers look at Philadelphia as their public service time … we lose too many good teachers, and they really want to be here. They want to be a part of the community.

You’ve said you would support an elected school board. How would that work? What would you do when you first take office, before you could change from an appointed to elected board?

I would appoint nine new [members] … start from scratch.

I have really pushed five elected school board members … we can have five councilmanic districts where the people elect a representative … regionally, but not the same as the council districts.

That would give people a level of responsiveness and accountability that they really feel is missing in the school district. … In other words, I would rather have the community tied in with the schools and have some level of tailoring language, culture, educational options, things like that. And recognition of religious issues that are important to their community.

What would your education priorities be as mayor?

Safety in the school, which is a big problem. Number two, it would be equity in resources and facilities ... and I would return the standards of academics, vocational career training, and then I’d try to create a VET program like they do in Germany, Switzerland — vocational educational training.

If someone wants to get certified in a good vocation, there’s a program that I would try to work out with [lawmakers in] Harrisburg, where you do ninth and 10th grade in business theory, academics, all that related to what your career is. Then in 11th and 12th grade, you do part-time [at a] workplace.

What changes would you make to the way the school district is organized?

I’m not really a fan of the way schools are run now with a superintendent in charge of everything … I think it has to be a little more horizontal. There should be a chief innovation officer for technology. One that doesn’t get fired or demoted by the superintendent.

I don’t think the school board should be in the school administration building at all … you have to let the administrators administrate. Let the teachers teach, let the principals be the principals, let the facilities [workers] do the facility, the police do the police and the board looks at the overall but without any interest, without any conflicts.

A Commonwealth Court judge recently ruled the way Pennsylvania funds its schools is unconstitutional and many school districts, including Philadelphia, are underfunded. What would you change about the system?

The city is very wasteful. And nobody likes to hear that, or they already know it.

The poorest neighborhoods in Philadelphia are overtaxed. They have a lot of anxiety, they have a lot of problems, they have a lot of violence and all kinds of things. It’s illegal and it’s unfair.

I would … audit the [property tax] assessment process… we have to create fairness in taxation. … Otherwise, we’re going to drive all our poor folks out of the neighborhood with their kids who go to schools.

I believe the city should contribute more money from the money it has..the taxes have to be accurate, if they are higher, no problem. If they’re lower, whatever they are, they have to be accurate.

The current system is abusive to the poor, the vulnerable, and the low income and that is resulting in a lot of other problems that are very expensive.

That is having a devastating effect on our city. A lot of the problems we face are from people who feel targeted by a bullying, hateful government that doesn’t care about them … they could see it in schools and the libraries and places like that. I would correct that property tax.

How would you deal with the school infrastructure issues like damaged asbestos?

I think there is purposeful inefficiency [in school construction and upkeep]. … In this city, since the colonial days, schools have been a place of political payback.

I would look at serious rightsizing of the district based on the fact that we probably need to build new buildings.

We need to look at the buildings that have asbestos and actually clean them for real and not just coat them. We don’t need to remediate them. We have to remove it.

Do you think there should be more charter schools in Philadelphia?

No, I don’t. I’m not for or against the charter schools … I’m for good public schools. But we’ve had horrible public schools and no response. And therefore there were charter schools.

I think we have enough charter schools.

I would look at the mayor as someone who’s responsible for education for every child … whether it’s at a charter school, a neighborhood public school, a magnet school, a private school, at religious school, or whatever it is, it’s a school … [and it] is the mayor’s responsibility. One of the biggest jobs a mayor can do is to raise the money to put into education.

Would you support private school vouchers?

I think I’m for them.

If [private school families] are going to pay their taxes and send your kids to another school and pay for that, that helps us … it helps us to have them pay their taxes and have open seats … I would like to give them a tax break, to encourage them to do that so I can get the benefits of their tax dollars and those open seats.

If we had more people paying taxes, and paying for their own tuition, we’d have more money, more room in schools. So in that sense, I’m for it.

How would you improve trust between the school district and the communities it serves?

Our issue is how do we deliver a good quality education, a meaningful education in a way that shows the children in our care in our worst neighborhoods, that they have hope for the future? … As a mayor, I have to answer that question.

I think the problem with this whole situation is that the public does not trust the schools anymore … it’s all a scam to them.

You’re going to have to show them a visible difference from almost day one. The neighborhood looks different, the school’s different, the library hours have changed, the whole delivery of services is different.

You have to build credibility. We have such pessimistic people in this city. And it’s one of our biggest problems. Many of them don’t believe school matters, quite frankly, they just see school as a place to send kids and just occupy their time there.

Dale Mezzacappa is a senior writer for Chalkbeat Philadelphia, where she covers K-12 schools and early childhood education in Philadelphia. Contact Dale at dmezzacappa@chalkbeat.org.

Carly Sitrin is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Philadelphia. Contact Carly at csitrin@chalkbeat.org.

Adams 12 school board candidate sent dozens of CRT-obsessed emails

2023-10-26T19:29:10+00:00

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As a candidate for school board, Ben Helgeson says he wants to serve as a bridge between parents and teachers, opening up dialogue and restoring trust.

As a parent, Helgeson sent dozens of emails to district administrators, teachers, and union leaders accusing a teacher of being a “priestess” of critical race theory, accusing the union of pushing a racist, religious ideology, and accusing Superintendent Chris Gdowski of being complicit in it all.

Helgeson is part of a slate of conservative candidates seeking to shift the balance of power in Adams 12 Five Star Schools, a diverse suburban district north of Denver. It’s one of dozens of Colorado districts seeing contested school board races this year shaped by religious and political divisions. Teachers unions and conservative groups are spending big in an effort to sway voters.

In Adams 12, the public rhetoric is more muted. Candidates on both sides talk about paying teachers more, improving academic outcomes, and keeping students safe. But Helgeson also is deeply concerned the teachers union is pushing critical race theory into Adams 12 classrooms.

Chalkbeat obtained many of Helgeson’s emails through a public records request. Some were redacted or withheld. Helgeson’s first complaints involved quarantines and masking rules, but soon he was writing almost entirely about critical race theory. Critical race theory is an academic field that analyzes how race is embedded in American laws and policies, but it has become a catch-all term for progressive approaches in education.

Helgeson wrote that teacher training courses offered by the Colorado Education Association on books like Robin DiAngelo’s “White Fragility” and Ibram X. Kendi’s “How To Be an Antiracist” were themselves systematically racist and would pave the way to authoritarianism. An Adams 12 high school teacher led one of the courses.

In one email, which bore the subject line “Happy Memorial Day and Addressing Inconsistencies,” Helgeson linked to a proposal from Kendi that the United States should create a Department of Anti-racism to monitor policies and public officials’ statements and intervene to prevent racial disparities.

“That would mean, for example, that Ibram or one of his racial gestapo deputies could enter my home, slaughter my family, harvest our organs, take all of our material possessions and financial resources and re-allocate them as they determine, in accordance with their supreme power,” Helgeson wrote.

Helgeson said in an interview with Chalkbeat that he stands behind the substance of what he wrote, including his fears that anti-racism could lead to bloodshed, but he has some regrets about how he expressed himself.

“I’ll be honest,” he said. “That was me feeling like they’re not going to listen to me anyway, so I’ll say whatever I want to say. I felt like I was told to basically shut up.”

Political divisions hard to discern in Adams 12

The 35,000-student Adams 12 district is the sixth largest in Colorado and serves a diverse student body that is 42% white, 44% Latino, and 6.5% Asian American. More than 45% of students qualify for free or reduced price lunch, a measure of poverty. Those students are concentrated in the southern part of the district, while the northern half is more affluent.

The district is also politically diverse, with a large share of unaffiliated voters, and saw bitter disagreements over remote learning, masks, and quarantines during the first year of the COVID pandemic.

Two years ago, while conservatives won board majorities in many Republican-dominated parts of Colorado, the blue and purple communities along the Front Range mostly saw union-backed candidates who favored progressive approaches prevail. Conservatives picked up seats here and there, including one on the Adams 12 board.

This year, conservative education group Ready Colorado is backing Helgeson, Rebecca Elmore, and Ken Murphy-Montoya, while the teachers union is backing incumbent board president Lori Goldstein and newcomers Paula Battistelli and Alexis Marsh-Holschen.

Libertarian Brian Klein is running independently.

In questionnaires posted on the Adams 12 district website, candidates describe their deep ties to the district and their commitment to improving education. Political divides are hard to discern. Mailers from independent expenditure committees, though, are making the divisions clearer. Helgeson and Murphy-Montoya also participated in a voter guide prepared by Transform Colorado, a group that seeks to “restore biblical values in the public square.” They answered questions about pronouns, parental rights and sex education.

Equity audit, anti-racist training prompted emails

Helgeson worked as a teacher in neighboring Westminster Public Schools for 19 years. He names Thomas Sowell, an economist, professor, and prominent Black conservative, as an inspiration. Helgeson was placed on unpaid leave in October 2021 because he refused to get vaccinated against COVID. He sued the district. Court records show he reached a settlement last year. In an interview, he described this as a time of grief and suffering, but said it also opened a door to a new opportunity as the manager of a fly fishing business.

If elected, Helgeson said he would work to recruit and retain experienced teachers with higher pay, signing bonuses, and incentives to work in high poverty schools. He would promote co-teaching and disciplinary practices that support safe schools, he said.

“The campaign that he’s running is not representative of the person that I experienced,” the teacher who was targeted in Helgeson’s emails told Chalkbeat. “At least stand in who you are as a person. If you are going to make threats to educators, at least be authentic and not this other person.”

Asked if his responses to candidate questionnaires would give voters enough information to understand where he stood on controversial issues, Helgeson said that was a good question, and he doesn’t know. If the district stays focused on academics, it shouldn’t come up, he added.

In an interview with Chalkbeat, the teacher asked to remain anonymous because she fears further harassment. She said Helgeson never directly called for her to be fired, but she was alarmed by how he described her in his emails and that he emailed her again after Gdowski told Helgeson not to. It was especially upsetting to be accused of supporting authoritarian beliefs because her family includes people killed and imprisoned by both the Nazis and the Soviets, she said. In one email, Helgeson told the teacher and Gdowski the “cautionary tale” of a California teacher who resigned under pressure after a viral video showed him making left-wing statements. A district investigation also found he violated policy.

District administrators had previously told Helgeson that CRT was not taught in Adams 12. A letter from Gdowski to parents describing a planned equity audit was evidence to the contrary, Helgeson wrote, describing equity as “the holy grail of Critical Race Theorists. It’s their god.”

Correspondence shows district leaders were concerned about the volume and tone of the emails and discussed how best to respond. Helgeson says now that he particularly regrets calling the superintendent “an enemy of the state” and a “complete failure.” The school board is responsible for hiring and supervising the superintendent. Helgeson said he was deeply frustrated at the time, didn’t appreciate the competing pressures Gdowski was under, and “was encouraged by other parents who were saying far worse.”

Helgeson still has concerns about training courses offered by the union.

“A parent might hear from a school that CRT is not part of a given curriculum, but a course like that is designed not necessarily to come up with curriculum but to embed some of these ideas that are highly politically charged, unproven, and even religious into the classroom,” he said in an interview.

The teacher targeted by Helgeson said her anti-racist philosophy is about being aware of her own biases and accounting for them so she can be a better teacher, not about any lessons she teaches to students. In the classroom, she said she’s very careful about keeping her political beliefs private so students can reach their own conclusions.

Asked what he would do about these courses, which teachers pay for and take on their own time, if elected, Helgeson hedged. He’s just one person, he said, and there would need to be a conversation. But he wants parents to know what kind of training teachers are seeking out, and said teachers should only move up the salary schedule when they take courses the district deems useful.

Teachers who engage in what he sees as political indoctrination from any direction, he said, may be well-intentioned and should be given an opportunity to change their ways. But if they don’t, “now you have a political mercenary and not a public educator.”

The election is Nov. 7.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Tennessee rushes to revamp its A-F letter grades for schools. Educators cry foul.

2023-10-26T10:00:00+00:00

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It was supposed to make things simpler.

A 2016 Tennessee law required the state to assign each public school a letter grade, A to F, based mostly on student test results. The intent was to give parents and communities an easy way to assess the quality of education at each school.

Nothing about it has been simple, though. Since the law took effect, the state hasn’t issued any grades, mostly because of testing glitches and the pandemic.

And now there’s a new complication: As the state prepares to finally issue its first grades in November, the education department and its new leader are revamping the grading formula. The changes likely will mean fewer A’s and generally worse grades than expected for many schools, especially those serving students from lower-income families in rural and urban communities.

The rollout will be a jolt to many Tennessee public school leaders, who have been waiting and planning for these grades for five years, thinking they understood what the criteria would be. And beyond the stigma, the grades could have real consequences: Officials representing schools that get D’s or F’s eventually may face hearings or audits of their spending and academic programming.

“It almost seems like we’re trying to change rules after the game’s already been played,” said Brian Curry, a school board member in Germantown, during an August town hall in Memphis to discuss potential changes with state officials.

Why the letter grades for schools matter

Tennessee’s 2016 school report card law didn’t include consequences for schools that get low grades.

That changed last year, when Tennessee passed a new system for funding K-12 education.

Under the Tennessee Investment in Student Achievement Act, or TISA, school districts or charter authorizers can face hearings before the state Board of Education if their schools get D’s or F’s on the state report card, beginning with the 2024-25 school year.

Ultimately, administrators could have to submit a corrective action plan or undergo a state audit of spending and academic programming at the school in question.

State board member Darrell Cobbins, whose district includes Memphis schools, acknowledges that the increased funding that came with TISA warrants additional accountability. But he wonders about the feasibility of what the law asks of the all-volunteer board. Holding hearings for potentially hundreds of schools will be a “major undertaking,” he said.

The board is working with a consultant, Bellwether Education Partners, to develop a review process that Cobbins hopes will be logical, consistent, and explainable.

At the crux of the state’s late change is a long-running debate over proficiency vs. growth — whether students should be judged based more on whether they meet certain academic standards, or on how much progress they make toward those standards. Where the state lands in that debate is especially important for schools where students face extra challenges even before they walk into a classroom.

But many public school leaders believe there’s a larger political motive behind the sudden drive by Gov. Bill Lee’s administration to change the rules: advancing his school choice agenda.

Under a 2019 voucher law pushed by Lee, Tennessee now provides taxpayer money to help some families send their children to private schools. But the program has fewer than 2,000 students enrolled in the three counties where it operates, significantly below this year’s 5,000-seat cap. Lee wants to expand enrollment and eventually take the option statewide.

“School choice has got to be part of what’s driving all this,” said Mike Winstead, director of Maryville City Schools and a former Tennessee Superintendent of the Year.

“Think about it,” he continued. “If you have an A or B school in your community, that may not motivate parents to want to pull their kids out of public schools to use a voucher.”

Several other district leaders brought up the same concern to state officials at town halls hosted by the department in August and September to get public feedback about revising the grading formula. But state officials flatly deny there’s a connection between the voucher law and changes to the grading formula.

The grading law “was passed to promote transparency, and families should be able to know and to understand how their students’ schools are performing,” a department spokesman said in a statement to Chalkbeat.

Education Commissioner Lizzette Reynolds said the goal of the new formula is to generate grades that signify meaningful differences in school performance in a way that make sense to Tennesseans, whether they reflect proficiency, growth, or other criteria that are ultimately chosen.

“Whether you are a student, parent, teacher, policymaker, or an interested community member, school letter grades will empower all Tennesseans with the information they need to support K-12 public education and our local schools,” she said.

Tennessee initially adopted growth-focused model

State law requires that Tennessee’s model for grading schools take into account student performance and improvement, as demonstrated on annual state tests, and it allows inclusion of other reliable indicators of student achievement. The statute directed the education department to come up with a formula to turn those results into a single letter grade for each school, to be published online on the State Report Card.

When developing the calculation under former Republican Gov. Bill Haslam’s administration, the department stressed achievement and growth in math and English language arts. And it created two pathways for schools to demonstrate achievement.

One way was based on what the state calls “pure achievement,” meaning that a certain percentage of a school’s students demonstrated a required level of proficiency, skill, or knowledge. By this metric, a school that started the school year with a high proficiency rate was likely to receive an A even if it had not improved student learning during the school year.

The other way rewarded schools that met certain goals to move their students toward proficiency from one year to the next. The idea was that all schools, especially those serving low-income students or that have historically performed poorly, should have an opportunity to get an A as long as they make strong progress toward the state’s achievement goals.

So even the achievement part of the grading formula could be fulfilled with strong growth. In this way, Tennessee was an early adopter of a growth-heavy model when developing its accountability system.

“All means all!” became the mantra of then-Education Commissioner Candice McQueen as she worked with education stakeholders for nearly a year to design a system to incentivize improvement for all students — whether they are considered low, average, or high achievers — as well as for all schools, regardless of their demographic makeup.

Tennessee had modest success with that approach, even though the actual letter grades were never issued. Before the pandemic hit in 2020, students were showing incremental growth in math and reading based on some of the nation’s highest proficiency standards.

But state lawmakers have become increasingly impatient with the pace of improvement, especially in reading. About a third of the state’s students meet grade-level standards on the English language arts test, which requires students to demonstrate the ability to read closely.

“School choice has got to be part of what’s driving all this. Think about it. If you have an A or B school in your community, that may not motivate parents to want to pull their kids out of public schools to use a voucher.” — Mike Winstead, Maryville City Schools director

“At the end of the day, I want to know: Can you add, subtract, multiply, and divide, and can you read, regardless of how much you have grown from one year to the other?” said Rep. Mark Cochran, an Englewood Republican, during one legislative hearing about the state’s emphasis on growth.

Meanwhile, the legislature has sought to provide more options for families dissatisfied with the performance of traditional public schools by introducing private school vouchers and allowing charter schools to open statewide.

Now as Tennessee revamps its school grading system, Lee’s administration is poised to shift weight in the equation from growth to pure achievement. Reynolds wants the state to do that by eliminating the growth pathway for demonstrating achievement. Growth would still be a component of the overall grade, as dictated by state law, but a much smaller part.

“I want to be very clear that when we’re talking about academic achievement, we’re talking about academic achievement,” Reynolds, the new education commissioner, said at an Oct. 12 meeting of education stakeholders.

State hears strong calls for retaining growth focus

Reynolds, who was sworn in to her post in July, launched the reevaluation of the grading system about a month later as her first major initiative. She invited Tennesseans to weigh in on how the state should measure a school’s academic success. At the time, state officials said all options were on the table.

At town halls, meetings with stakeholders, and in nearly 300 public comments from Tennesseans, state officials heard a common theme: Keep some kind of growth option as part of the achievement calculation. Measuring student performance with a single letter grade requires nuance, many educators said, and the growth-based model allows that.

“Is having a campus that has only 15% reading proficiency really a B school, if those kids cannot read?” — Lizzette Reynolds, Tennessee education commissioner

A formula that’s weighted too heavily toward pure achievement, they warned, would produce grades that essentially mirror the economic profiles of the schools — with high-income communities getting the A’s and B’s — and families wouldn’t be able to use the grades to differentiate the performance of one high-poverty school from another.

“Given the strong correlation between achievement and poverty, I think it’s really difficult to talk about just achievement in isolation. We really need to balance this with growth,” said Madeline Price, policy director for the State Collaborative on Reforming Education, at an Oct. 5 meeting of the stakeholders group.

“All schools, especially low-income and traditionally low performing schools, should have a very real opportunity to receive an A” if they significantly improve student performance, the leaders of Tennessee’s school superintendent organization wrote in a letter to Reynolds.

Meaghan Turnbow, who coordinates programs for English language learners in fast-growing Rutherford County Schools, south of Nashville, noted pitfalls in a model that emphasizes proficiency over growth.

“We have students come to our district from all over the world with various education levels and English levels,” she wrote in a public comment. “Year to year they grow, but it may be several years before they are considered meeting or exceeding expectations.”

Tennessee Education Commissioner Lizzette Reynolds speaks to a gathering of school superintendents in September. Reynolds has signaled that she wants to narrow the way the state judges student performance.

But soon after asking for public feedback, Tennessee’s new education chief signaled that she wanted to narrow the way the state judges student performance.

During an Aug. 29 town hall in Chattanooga, Reynolds acknowledged that the education department, before scuttling plans to issue grades in the fall of 2022 under former Education Commissioner Penny Schwinn, had run the numbers but didn’t like what it saw. For instance, she said, a school with 80% of its students reading on grade level might have received a B, but so might a school that had only 15% of students reading on grade level, while also demonstrating high growth.

“Is having a campus that has only 15% reading proficiency really a B school, if those kids cannot read?” Reynolds asked.

“We should celebrate growth,” she continued. “We should also celebrate achievement, because at the end of the day, kids can grow. But if they never get on grade level, they don’t have much of a future, particularly when it comes to reading and math.”

How a single school could get conflicting evaluations

The A-F grading system, as required by the state, was billed as a simple, common-sense tool to help parents understand how their child’s school is doing and compare schools.

But changes the department is making could add a new layer of complexity for school communities.

When Tennessee developed its accountability plan in 2017, it opted for a single system to satisfy both the state law and a 2015 federal accountability law called the Every Student Succeeds Act, or ESSA. That way, “we’re not sending different messages to parents and the general public,” said Winstead, the Maryville schools director who served on the state task force that developed the plan.

ESSA doesn’t require A-F grades, but it directs the state to use its own criteria to identify schools that are academically in the bottom 5%, plus other schools showing low performance or significant disparities across groups of students who are Black, Hispanic, economically disadvantaged, or English learners, or have learning disabilities. Such schools become eligible for additional federal funding.

Because of the link between the two laws, the schools that would earn the lowest grades under Tennessee’s current formula are the same ones that would get federal support to help them improve. And educators would work with a common set of goals, priorities, and incentives.

Changes that the Tennessee Department of Education is making could create two separate accountability systems, producing conflicting assessments of how a school is doing.

Under Reynolds, the Tennessee education department appears ready to decouple the state’s A-F system from its federal compliance plan. The change would result in Tennessee having two accountability systems, potentially producing conflicting assessments of how a school is doing.

For example, if the new state formula places less emphasis on certain student groups than the federal system does, a school that has big racial or economic disparities in student performance could still earn high grades from Tennessee based on overall proficiency rates. Meanwhile, a school with low proficiency rates would get a D or an F, even though it may serve certain groups of students better than an A or B school.

Mary Batiwalla, former assistant commissioner of assessment and accountability in Tennessee, says what’s going on here has parallels in Texas, where Reynolds used to be chief deputy commissioner. Officials there changed their grading criteria this year to apply to schools retroactively. However, after some school districts sued that state over the changes, Texas delayed the release of its grades.

Texas lawmakers are also in the midst of a special session on vouchers to debate whether students should be able to use public dollars to attend private schools. Batiwalla worries that officials in both states are hijacking the grading systems for political aims, not to incentivize school communities to improve.

“If you want to do vouchers, do vouchers,” said Batiwalla, an outspoken critic of Reynolds’ efforts. “Don’t take away this policy tool that has the potential to drive improvement from the rest of the public schools.”

Proficiency focus could shortchange some students

Other tweaks are likely when Tennessee releases its new equation in the days or weeks ahead, just before giving schools their first set of grades.

“If you want to do vouchers, do vouchers. Don’t take away this policy tool that has the potential to drive improvement from the rest of the public schools.” — Mary Batiwalla, former assistant commissioner, Tennessee Department of Education

The department has heard calls to include social studies and science scores in the calculation, as well as data related to third-grade reading, participation in tutoring programs, and postsecondary indicators like dual enrollment and career and technical education offerings, just to name a few. There’s also a growing consensus around ditching student absenteeism data, which is a factor in the current equation.

But most educators have their eye on the growth vs. proficiency debate. They worry that greater emphasis on proficiency will motivate schools to focus on improving “bubble kids” — those scoring just under proficiency — instead of working to improve students at all levels of achievement.

“You’re incentivizing bad choices that serve just a few kids instead of all kids,” Winstead said.

Winstead’s suburban school system should be fine. Maryville City Schools, near Knoxville, is one of the state’s highest-achieving districts and stands to benefit if Tennessee’s revamped grading formula puts more weight on proficiency. But Winstead philosophically disagrees with the approach that the state appears to be taking.

“This is going to demoralize a lot of school communities,” he said, “teachers, kids, and parents — folks who have done incredible things to move kids forward.”

Marta Aldrich is a senior correspondent and covers the statehouse for Chalkbeat Tennessee. Contact her at maldrich@chalkbeat.org. Laura Testino covers Memphis-Shelby County Schools. Reach Laura at LTestino@chalkbeat.org.

Chicago Public Schools could see a $391M budget deficit next school year, official says

2023-10-25T21:59:31+00:00

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Chicago Public Schools is expecting a $391 million budget shortfall next year as federal COVID relief money runs out, officials said Wednesday.

The district has received $2.8 billion in COVID relief since the onset of the pandemic. The last $300 million of that will be spent in 2025, according to Mike Sitkowski, chief budget officer for CPS, who shared the figures during a Board of Education meeting. The current budget is $9.4 billion. Next year’s budget starts July 1, 2024 and will cover the 2024-25 school year.

By law, the school district must balance its budget, Sitkowski noted. That means district officials will either have to cut expenses or find a way to boost revenue. Board President Jianan Shi called for the latter.

“Our district needs more revenue, and this is a moment for all of us at every level to stand up and advocate for our teachers, our students, our families, for this board to advocate for more revenue at the state, local, and federal levels,” Shi said after the presentation.

The financial update comes as the City Council holds budget hearings for the city’s next budget, which is due by the end of the year but is typically finalized by Thanksgiving. The district’s budget operates on a different timeline, more closely matching the school year. The district will also hold budget community roundtables for the public throughout November. (Dates can be found here.)

Districts across the nation have been bracing for financial challenges as their pandemic relief dollars run out. Chicago officials have directed their relief dollars toward employee salaries, hiring more instructional staff and creating several new programs. About $670 million of federal relief was included in this year’s budget — representing about 7% of the current budget set to end June 30, 2024.

Asked on previous occasions about what CPS will do once the federal money runs out, CPS CEO Pedro Martinez has said district officials plan to ask the state for more support.

The $391 million deficit is the result of complicated collection of revenues and costs the district is projecting for next year: First, the district will have a $670 million hole in next year’s budget due to the loss of federal pandemic aid, according to Sitkowski’s presentation. That gap will be partially filled by the last bit of federal relief — about $300 million. However, the district is also expecting $123 million more in expenses it says it can’t control, including for teacher pension costs, debt service, health care costs, and inflation, Sitkowski said.

Those costs will be partially offset by rising revenues of $102 million, which include $23 million more from the state, as well as some rising tax collections, and more state support for pensions, according to Sitkowski.

The projections shared on Wednesday seem to outpace what a previous analysis warned of. A report issued under former Mayor Lori Lightfoot warned of a potential $628 million deficit by 2026 and predicted a neutral outlook for 2025. The report also noted that as the city has shifted more costs onto the district, it could shoulder more expenses as the board goes from mayoral control to an elected body.

District officials have been ratcheting up pressure for more money from state officials. This school year, CPS is projected to see a $23 million increase in state funding, for a total of about $1.77 billion this school year.

But on Wednesday, Sitkowski said that if the state fully funded districts under the Evidence-Based Funding Formula, CPS would have an additional $1.1 billion in funding.

Last month, the board highlighted the need for $3.1 billion to address critical repairs at school facilities over the next five years.

Sitkowski said direct funding at the school level has also increased by $1 billion since fiscal year 2019, even as enrollment dipped. More than 2,300 teachers were hired in that time, including classroom teachers, interventionists, and educators for the arts and physical education, he noted.

Reema Amin is a reporter covering Chicago Public Schools. Contact Reema at ramin@chalkbeat.org.

How to navigate IPS’ school reorganization and new enrollment policies for 2024-25

2023-10-25T21:24:16+00:00

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Thousands of Indianapolis Public Schools students will see big changes next year when the district splits up more than a dozen schools, gives families a wider choice of schools, and expands the reach of its specialized academic programs.

The changes are the second part of the district’s massive Rebuilding Stronger reorganization, which seeks to bring more diverse academic programming and extracurricular activities to more students in a push for equity. The plan also seeks to stabilize enrollment amid growing competition from charter schools.

The plan could have a big impact on where families choose to enroll.

Starting in 2024-25, the district will break up 17 K-8 schools into 16 standalone elementary schools and one middle school. Other schools will switch from serving grades K-6 to K-5, and from 7-8 to 6-8.

The district is organizing its schools into four new enrollment zones encompassing different educational options. Families can apply for a spot at any of the schools located in their zone, rather than being restricted to their neighborhood school or to old school-choice boundaries.

Each zone has a mix of schools that specialize in different subjects or programs, such as arts, STEM, Montessori, International Baccalaureate, dual language, high ability, or the Reggio-Emilia approach. Some schools that do not have these specific programs are “exploratory” schools. The plan also assigns new feeder schools for these specialized schools, guiding students from elementary to middle school.

Some schools serve multiple zones.

High schools will serve all zones and will still be open to all students in the district, no matter where they live.

The first enrollment period for 2024-25 runs from Nov. 1, 2023, to Jan. 24, 2024, with results of the lottery released on Feb. 22. The second enrollment period runs from Jan. 25 through April 19, with results released on May 16.

The district has held school tours and open houses every weekday for the past month, and plans a showcase event Nov. 1 from 4 to 8 p.m. in which every school will be open for families to visit.

Here are answers to some of the big questions inspired by Chalkbeat Indiana readers about the upcoming enrollment process:

What is the easiest way for me to enroll?

The district encourages families to enroll online through Enroll Indy, which runs the lottery for IPS. Families who visit a school to enroll will still use Enroll Indy’s online application.

Will my child get transportation to any school in our zone?

Yes, families who choose a school in the zone where they live will receive transportation to and from that school. However, families who live close enough to the school to be classified as a “walker” will not receive transportation. See if you qualify as a “walker” here.

Families can apply to a school outside their zone, but IPS gives preference to students who live in the zone. Families must also provide their own transportation to a school outside of their zone beyond the 2024-25 school year.

Schools in the IPS Innovation Network may not offer transportation through IPS, and may require families to contact the school directly for transportation.

The proposed new enrollment policy talks about ‘priority groups.’ What are those, and how will they affect my chances of getting into the school I want?

The lottery gives certain groups of students preferences that can increase their chances of getting a spot in the school they want. Priority is given, in this order, to:

Students living in the IPS district
Siblings of a current student at the school
Families who live in the same zone as the school
Students who attended a closing school
Students with a guardian who is an IPS employee

My child is attending a school that will be in our zone next year. Do I need to do anything to reenroll them?

If families are happy in their current school and plan to stay there for the 2024-25 school year, they do not need to reapply or reenroll, according to the district.

What happens if the school I want in my zone is at capacity?

Families can select another school in their zone, according to the district.

When IPS unveiled the plan last year, Evan Hawkins, school board president at the time, said the district has not historically seen families crowd any one school.

My child’s new zone is different from the one in which their current school is located. Can they stay at that school next year?

Yes, families can remain at their current school until the student graduates from the school’s highest grade, according to the district.

If families are eligible for transportation at the school this year, they will be offered transportation in 2024-25, but not after that.

What happens if I want or need to transfer to another IPS school midyear?

Families who move in the middle of the school year to a different zone can apply for a seat at a school in their new zone through Enroll Indy, according to the district. Or the student can stay at their current school, provided they have their own transportation.

But students won’t be permitted to switch schools midyear for a personal preference. They would need to wait until the next enrollment period to apply to a different school.

There are exceptions, though, for students who:

Need special medical services offered by the desired school
Experience bullying at their current school
Are in physical danger due to documented issues with other students at the current school
Have a sibling who attends a special education program in the desired school

How can I easily compare school options?

IPS advises visiting Enroll Indy to preview school options.

Have a question about IPS enrollment that’s not answered? Email us at in.tips@chalkbeat.org.

Corrections and clarifications: This article has been updated to correctly note transportation options and clarify that some schools serve multiple zones. The accompanying map has also been updated to correct information on schools and add schools that were omitted.

Amelia Pak-Harvey covers Indianapolis and Lawrence Township schools for Chalkbeat Indiana. Contact Amelia at apak-harvey@chalkbeat.org.

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